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The Rights of Others examines the boundaries of political community by focusing on political membership - the principles and practices for incorporating aliens and strangers, immigrants and newcomers, refugees and asylum seekers into existing polities. Boundaries define some as members, others as aliens. But when state sovereignty is becoming frayed, and national citizenship is unravelling, definitions of political membership become much less clear. Indeed few issues in world politics today are more important, or more troubling. In her Seeley Lectures, the distinguished political theorist Seyla Benhabib makes a powerful plea, echoing Immanuel Kant, for moral universalism and cosmopolitan federalism. She advocates not open but porous boundaries, recognising both the admittance rights of refugees and asylum seekers, but also the regulatory rights of democracies. The Rights of Others is a major intervention in contemporary political theory, of interest to large numbers of students and specialists in politics, law, philosophy and international relations.

Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals n.º 129, p. 227-237Cuatrimestral (octubre-diciembre 2021)ISSN:1133-6595 | E-ISSN:2013-035XDOI: doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2021.129.3.227 Reseña de libro: FitzGerald, David Scott. Refuge Beyond Reach. How Rich Democracies Repel Asylum Seekers. Oxford University Press, 2019, 359 págs. Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals n.º 129, p. 227-237Cuatrimestral (octubre-diciembre 2021)ISSN:1133-6595 | E-ISSN:2013-035XDOI: doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2021.129.3.227 Book review: FitzGerald, David Scott. Refuge Beyond Reach. How Rich Democracies Repel Asylum Seekers. Oxford University Press, 2019, 359 págs. >> The full text articles of this issue are available only in Spanish language Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals n.º 129, p. 227-237Cuatrimestral (octubre-diciembre 2021)ISSN:1133-6595 | E-ISSN:2013-035XDOI: doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2021.129.3.227 Reseña de libro: FitzGerald, David Scott. Refuge Beyond Reach. How Rich Democracies Repel Asylum Seekers. Oxford University Press, 2019, 359 págs.

This article traces a genealogy of sovereignty and exception in the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon that highlights their mutual connections and contaminations with the mechanisms of Lebanese state sovereignty from 1948 onward. Drawing together two theoretical approaches emerging from the work of Giorgio Agamben and recent political geographical work on sovereignty, we explore the refugee camps as spaces of exception characterized by hybrid sovereignties. Drawing on original fieldwork, we trace the evolution of the relationship of exception and its mutual links with the production of hybridity in Lebanon's sovereignty from 1948 until today, focusing particularly on the key period from 1968 to 1982 when Palestinian militancy led to a formal recognition of Palestinian autonomy in the camps. Rather than simply undermining Lebanon's sovereignty, the camps' fragmented security and territoriality have instead reshaped Lebanon's state sovereignty in complex ways and forged hybrid spaces for refugee political agency to emerge.

This study determined the levels of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), depression, and perceived social support among 109 Iraqi and 136 Syrian immigrant secondary school students residing in Bolu, Türkiye. The participants, who had previously experienced trauma, were compared with 143 Turkish adolescents. The refugee children had significantly higher scores for both PTSD and depression, and lower scores for social support. While there were no significant gender differences for the three variables, older students had higher PTSD scores. Immigrant students who had lived in Türkiye for four years or longer had lower depression, higher social support, and social support from a special person. Degree of problems with Turkish language had no effect, while those with Turkish friends had significantly higher scores for perceived social support and family social support than those who did not. Surprisingly, students whose families had immigrated for educational reasons had higher PTSD scores and lower family social support scores than those that immigrated due to conflicts. A regression analysis, conducted to predict depression via PTSD and social support, showed that the two variables accounted for 25% of the variance in depression scores.  Este estudio tuvo como objetivo determinar los niveles de Trastorno de Estrés Postraumático (PTSD),la depresión y apoyo social entre estudiantes de secundaria, inmigrantes iraquíes y sirios que actualmente residen en Bolu, Turquía. Los participantes compuestos por 109 estudiantes refugiados iraquíes y 136 sirios con experiencia traumática y fueron comparados con 143 adolescentes turcos. Los resultados revelaron que los niños refugiados tenían puntuaciones significativamente más altas tanto en PTSD como en depresión y puntuaciones más bajas en apoyo social. En cuanto a las diferencias por variables demográficas, no se encontró ninguna diferencia significativa por género en las puntuaciones de depresión, apoyo social y PTSD del alumnado inmigrante. En cuanto a la  edad, los estudiantes de mayor edad tuvieron puntuaciones más altas de PTSD. Con respecto al tiempo que pasaron en Turquía, los estudiantes inmigrantes que habían permanecido en Turquía durante 4 años o más demostraron menor puntuación de depresión, mayor apoyo social recibido y apoyo social de una persona especial. Si bien no se observó una diferencia significativa entre tener y carecer de problemas con el idioma turco, aquellos que tenían amigos turcos tenían puntuaciones significativamente más altas de apoyo social recibido y apoyo social familiar que aquellos que no los tenían. En cuanto a las razones de inmigración, sorprendentemente, el grupo que inmigró por razones de educación tuvo puntuaciones más altas de PTSD y más bajas en apoyo social familiar que el grupo que emigró debido a conflictos. Se realizó un análisis de regresión para predecir la depresión infantil a través del PTSD y el apoyo social. Los resultados arrojaron que el 25 % de la depresión se debió al PTSD y al apoyo social.

Background: Due to their experiences of major stressful life events, including post-displacement stressors, refugees and asylum seekers are vulnerable to developing mental health problems. Yet, despite the availability of specialized mental health services in Western European host countries, refugees and asylum seekers display low mental healthcare utilization. Objective: The aim of this study was to explore structural and socio-cultural barriers to accessing mental healthcare among Syrian refugees and asylum seekers in Switzerland. Method: In this qualitative study, key-informant (KI) interviews with Syrian refugees and asylum seekers, Swiss healthcare providers and other stakeholders (e.g. refugee coordinators or leaders) were conducted in the German-speaking part of Switzerland. Participants were recruited using snowball sampling. Interviews were audiotaped and transcribed, and then analysed using thematic analysis, combining deductive and inductive coding. Results: Findings show that Syrian refugees and asylum seekers face multiple structural and socio-cultural barriers, with socio-cultural barriers being perceived as more pronounced. Syrian key informants, healthcare providers, and other stakeholders identified language, gatekeeper-associated problems, lack of resources, lack of awareness, fear of stigma and a mismatch between the local health system and perceived needs of Syrian refugees and asylum seekers as key barriers to accessing care. Conclusions: The results show that for Syrian refugees and asylum seekers in Switzerland several barriers exist. This is in line with previous findings. A possible solution for the current situation might be to increase the agility of the service system in general and to improve the willingness to embrace innovative paths, rather than adapting mental healthcare services regarding single barriers and needs of a new target population.

Migraciones en movimiento: la necesidad de una perspectiva crítica   Karakoulaki, M., Southgate L. y Steiner, J. (Eds.). (2018). Critical perspectives on migration in the twenty-first century. Bristol: E-International Relations. Massey, D. S., Arango, J., Hugo, G., Kouaouci, A., y Peregrino, A. T. JE (1998). Worlds in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millenium. Nueva York: Oxford University Press.

Background: Although the family constitutes the prime source of risk and resilience for the well-being of children growing up in adverse conditions, the mental health of children living in refugee camps has rarely been investigated in conjunction with their parents' mental health. Objectives: To examine the prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other mental health problems among Burundian refugee children and their parents living in Tanzanian refugee camps and to identify patterns of comorbidity among children and their parents based on PTSD symptom levels and functional impairment. Methods: We recruited a representative sample of 230 children aged 7-15 years and both of their parents (n = 690) and conducted separate structured clinical interviews. Latent Class Analysis was applied to identify patterns of comorbidity. Results: Children and parents were exposed to multiple traumatic event types. In total, 5.7% of children fulfilled DSM-5 criteria for PTSD in the past month and 10.9% reported enhanced levels of other mental health problems. 42.6% indicated clinically significant functional impairment due to PTSD symptoms. PTSD prevalence was higher among mothers (32.6%) and fathers (29.1%). Latent Class Analysis (LCA) revealed a familial accumulation of PTSD symptoms as children with high symptom levels and impairment were likely to live in families with two traumatized parents. Conclusions: Although the number of children who need support for trauma-related mental health problems was relatively low, taking into account parental trauma could aid to identify at-risk children with elevated PTSD symptom levels and impairment even in the face of existing barriers to mental health care access for children in refugee camp settings (e.g. lack of targeted services, prioritization of managing daily stressors). * We found lower prevalence rates of PTSD (5.7 %) and psychological distress (10.9 %) among refugee children than studies conducted in similar settings. However, a high number of children (42.6%) reported functional impairment related to PTSD symptoms. * Children were most likely to present with elevated PTSD symptom levels and impairment when both their parents were also experiencing PTSD.* Children with full and subthreshold PTSD could be identified easier through their parents' trauma.

Russian invasion of Ukraine has led to one of the largest refugee crises in recent history. Many internally displaced Ukrainians and refugees will need care for PTSD, anxiety, and depression. Here I will suggest practical steps to reduce long-term impact of trauma and stress on refugees' mental and physical health, and functioning. These include mental health first aid in acute phase of arrival, education of mental health and navigating healthcare system in the host countries. As well, training of manualized trauma-focused therapy and intervention methods in the host countries, focused education for physicians on psychopharmacological interventions for common mental health issues among refugees (PTSD, depression, anxiety), and utilization of videoconferencing for treatment, and consultation and supervision for providers. Many internally displaced Ukrainians and refugees will need care for PTSD, anxiety, and depression to prevent long-term disability and health consequences. There are challenges in receiving the needed care including stigma, lack of awareness by patients and providers, lack of resources, and lack of skills in trauma-focused treatments. In this article, suggestions are made on how to overcome these obstacles, that include mental health first aid upon arrival, education for refugees and those serving them, training providers at different layers, and remote treatment and counselling/supervision services.

At a time when Cuban immigrants are seeking political asylum at historically unprecedented rates, most press and scholarly accounts consistently mirror earlier portrayals of Cubans’ mass exodus from the island in one key aspect: they ascribe to refugees a primarily economic reason for their decision to leave and offer little discussion of political factors. To illuminate the need for such analysis, this article examines the Mariel Boatlift of 1980, when approximately 125,000 Cubans, most of them thirty years old or younger, left Cuba. No other exodus of Cubans was more demonized than the Mariel, both by Cuba’s supporters and leadership and by exile opponents of the communist state. Exploring how the intensification of ideological criteria for inclusion in the Cuban Revolution undermined the quality of Cubans’ liberation under socialism prior to Mariel, this article explores state policies and the deep politicization of everyday life and identity. Key political factors explain many young people’s alienation and the degree to which the Cuban state sanctioned and directed extreme measures of repression to discredit those who wanted to leave as lazy, sexually degenerate escoria (human trash). En un momento en el que los inmigrantes cubanos están solicitado asilo político a un ritmo sin precedentes, la mayoría de los relatos de la prensa y los estudiosos reflejan sistemáticamente las anteriores descripciones del éxodo masivo de cubanos de la isla en un aspecto clave: atribuyen a los refugiados una razón principalmente económica para su decisión de marcharse, con escasa discusión de los factores políticos. Para iluminar la necesidad de tal análisis, este artículo examina el Éxodo del Mariel de 1980, cuando aproximadamente 125.000 cubanos, la mayoría de ellos de treinta años o menos, abandonaron Cuba. Ningún otro éxodo de cubanos fue más demonizado que él del Mariel, tanto por los partidarios y dirigentes de Cuba como por los opositores al Estado comunista en el exilio. Explorando cómo la intensificación de los criterios ideológicos para la inclusión en la Revolución minó la calidad de la liberación de los cubanos bajo el socialismo en los años setenta, se analiza las políticas estatales y la profunda politización de la vida cotidiana y la identidad. Factores claves políticos explican la alienación de muchos jóvenes, así como el grado en que el Estado cubano sancionó y dirigió medidas extremas de represión para desacreditar a los que querían marcharse como vagos, degenerados sexuales y escoria “antisocial”.

Refugee migration is a very visible and growing wicked problem. In this conceptual article, we outline a framework that identifies types of policies, levels of government (in refugee receiving countries), and causes for refugee migration as factors that create this wicked problem. Many refugee migration policies in Northern countries are mainly limited to being controlling at the national level and palliative at the local level. We further highlight a serious lack of true governing policies that address the push factors that drive people away from unpalatable political and/or economic circumstances in their home countries. Focusing solely on refugee policies may be practical but is not productive when the larger environmental context that prompts refugee migration is ignored in the longer term. La migración de refugiados es un “problema retorcido” muy visible y creciente. Describimos un marco que identifica los tipos de políticas, los niveles de gobierno (en los países que reciben refugiados), y las causas de la migración de refugiados como factores que crean este problema retorcido. Muchas políticas de migración de refugiados en los países del norte se limitan principalmente a controlar a nivel nacional y paliativo a nivel local. Destacamos una grave falta de verdaderas políticas de gobierno que abordan los factores de empuje que alejan a las personas de circunstancias políticas y/o económicas desagradables en sus países de origen. Centrarse únicamente en las políticas de refugiados puede ser práctico, pero no es productivo cuando el contexto ambiental más amplio que incita a la migración de refugiados se ignora a largo plazo. 难民迁移是一个可见的、不断加大的”棘手问题”。笔者在这篇概念性文章中概述了一项框架, 用于识别政策类型、政府层级（针对难民接收国）、以及难民迁移的起因，这些因素共同创造了该棘手问题。北部国家的许多难民迁移政策都主要限于国家层面的控制和地方层面的缓解。笔者进一步强调, 严重缺少真正的治理政策, 以应对驱使人们离开国内不良政治环境和/或经济环境的推动因素。仅聚焦于难民政策可能是实际的, 但当长期忽视推动难民迁移的大环境背景时, 这种聚焦便不会富有成效。