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Offering a \"story of a man with a conscience working at the CIA (1966-1990) during the height of the Cold War between Washington and Moscow, Mel Goodman settles old scores as he offers first-hand accounts of the inner workings of the CIA and how high-level officials compromise national security by pressuring those below them to support their career-advancing political agendas\"-- Provided by publisher.

Chartered in 1921, the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) is a worldwide organization that represents more than two million workers in occupations from healthcare and government service to custodians and taxi drivers. Women form more than half the membership while people in minority groups make up approximately forty percent. Luís LM Aguiar and Joseph A. McCartin edit essays on one of contemporary labor's bedrock organizations. The contributors explore key episodes, themes, and features in the union's recent history and evaluate SEIU as a union with global aspirations and impact. The first section traces the SEIU's growth in the last and current centuries. The second section offers in-depth studies of key campaigns in the United States, including the Justice for Janitors and Fight for {dollar}15 movements. The third section focuses on the SEIU's work representing low-wage workers in Canada, Australia, Europe, and Brazil. An interview with Justice for Janitors architect Stephen Lerner rounds out the volume. Contributors: Luís LM Aguiar, Adrienne E. Eaton, Janice Fine, Euan Gibb, Laurence Hamel-Roy, Tashlin Lakhani, Joseph A. McCartin, Yanick Noiseux, Benjamin L. Peterson, Allison Porter, Alyssa May Kuchinski, Maite Tapia, Veronica Terriquez, and Kyoung-Hee Yu

Now more than ever, activists are using media to document injustice and promote social and political change. Yet with so many media platforms available, activists sometimes fail to have a coherent media and communication strategy. Drawing from his experiences as a documentary filmmaker with Black Lives Matter 5280 and Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 105 in Denver, Colorado, Gino Canella argues that activist media create opportunities for activists to navigate conflict and embrace their political and ideological differences. Canella details how activist media practices-interviewing organizers, script writing, video editing, posting on social media, and hosting community screenings-foster solidarity among grassroots organizers. Informed by media theory, this book explores how activists are using media to mobilize supporters, communicate their values, and reject anti-union rhetoric. Furthermore, it demonstrates how collaborative media projects can help activists build broad-based coalitions and amplify their vision for a more equitable and just society.

When unions undertake labor organizing campaigns, they often do so from strong moral positions, contrasting workers' rights to decent pay or better working conditions with the more venal financial motives of management. But how does labor confront management when management itself has moral legitimacy? In With God on Our Side , Adam D. Reich tells the story of a five-year campaign to unionize Santa Rosa Memorial Hospital, a Catholic hospital in California. Based on his own work as a volunteer organizer with the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), Reich explores how both union leaders and hospital leaders sought to show they were upholding the Catholic mission of the hospital against a market represented by the other. Ultimately, workers and union leaders were able to reinterpret Catholic values in ways that supported their efforts to organize. More generally, Reich argues that unions must weave together economic and cultural power in order to ensure their continued relevancy in the postindustrial world. In addition to advocating for workers' economic interests, unions must engage with workers' emotional investments in their work, must contend with the kind of moral authority that Santa Rosa Hospital leaders exerted to dissuade workers from organizing, and must connect labor's project to broader conceptions of the public good.

This chapter focuses on how Service Employees International Union United Services Workers West (SEIU USWW) in Los Angeles prepared Latinx immigrant members to take civic action outside of the workplace, specifically in their children’s schools. It begins by highlighting schools as a site for non-union civic participation for low-income parents and then summarizes prior research showing how unions with a social movement orientation can bolster members’ civic skills and capacities. The chapter also describes SEIU USWW’s Justice for Janitors efforts and organizational structure. Survey and interview data show that the union’s mobilization efforts gave their members valuable experience they could apply to their parental school involvement. This study demonstrates the important role of unions in empowering their members to become civically engaged and to work toward advancing the interests of their children, families, and communities.

When unions undertake labor organizing campaigns, they often do so from strong moral positions, contrasting workers' rights to decent pay or better working conditions with the more venal financial motives of management. But how does labor confront management when management itself has moral legitimacy? InWith God on Our Side, Adam D. Reich tells the story of a five-year campaign to unionize Santa Rosa Memorial Hospital, a Catholic hospital in California. Based on his own work as a volunteer organizer with the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), Reich explores how both union leaders and hospital leaders sought to show they were upholding the Catholic \"mission\" of the hospital against a market represented by the other. Ultimately, workers and union leaders were able to reinterpret Catholic values in ways that supported their efforts to organize. More generally, Reich argues that unions must weave together economic and cultural power in order to ensure their continued relevancy in the postindustrial world. In addition to advocating for workers' economic interests, unions must engage with workers' emotional investments in their work, must contend with the kind of moral authority that Santa Rosa Hospital leaders exerted to dissuade workers from organizing, and must connect labor's project to broader conceptions of the public good.

Trois grèves qui avaient pour objectif l’obtention du salaire minimum à 15 $ l’heure ont été menées par des syndicats québécois en 2016. Ces grèves se sont inscrites dans des campagnes politiques qui avaient le même objectif. Cet article propose une étude comparée de ces grèves dans le but d’analyser dans quelle mesure les formes de solidarité et les modes d’organisation déployés offrent des pistes de revitalisation qui permettraient au mouvement syndical québécois de relever les défis stratégiques contemporains auxquels fait face le mouvement syndical québécois. L’analyse de ces trois grèves, en s’appuyant sur une typologie des divers syndicalismes et activismes syndicaux, permet d’approfondir les formes de solidarité déployées par les syndicats ainsi que les formes de mobilisation originales qui, toutefois, n’ont pas mené à un progrès substantiel du contrôle démocratique exercé par les membres sur leur mouvement.

Summary This article seeks to identify organizational structures and processes that contribute to incorporating immigrant identities and fostering democratic participation in unions. Empirical analysis is based on ethnographic observations conducted in four local branches within the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) of the USA that underwent the Justice for Janitors campaign. Despite the fact that all four local unions experienced external revitalization owing to the campaign, internal renewal was most successful in Los Angeles, least in Washington DC, and somewhat successful in Boston and Houston. For each of the cases, I examine the connection between external dimensions of revitalization—initial mobilizing efforts, bargaining power, and political power—and organizational contexts for renewal—formal and informal structures for participation, and the engagement of immigrant members in union activities. While the union revitalization literature has argued that internal union renewal facilitates external revitalization, how external revitalization affects sustained internal renewal has not yet been examined thoroughly. Most studies examining the relationship between internal and external revitalization have had a relatively narrow window of observation ending typically with successful union recognition; thus, we lacked an understanding of the dynamic relationship between internal and external revitalization over time. The present findings suggest that external revitalization can assist internal renewal. However, building a powerful union did not automatically guarantee democratic participation, and acquiring more economic power through the merging of local unions weakened representational structures. The present results confirm the importance of studying revitalization as a process instead of an outcome, an argument which has been advanced by scholars, yet rarely practiced.

Today's napkin sketches might well become tomorrow's solutions to the challenges faced by the American working class. That's the hope behind the Workers Lab, a first-of-its-kind incubator launched this past October with $1 million in startup funding from the Service Employees International Union. They're looking for audacious ideas about how to rebuild the middle class, says Carmen Rojas, CEO of the Workers Lab. Winning applicants will leave $150,000 over a nine-month period to develop and pilot their ideas. Despite its links to organized labor, the Workers Lab, based in Oakland, CA, aims to be \"platform agnostic,\" Rojas says. Joseph McCartin, professor of history and director of the Kalmanovitz Initiative for Labor and the Working Poor at Georgetown University, sees the Workers Lab as a sign that the labor movement is ready for innovation.

Since the 1970s, organized labor in the United States has seen a steep decline in its membership and political influence due to capital flight, \"right to work\" and anti-union legislation, automation and technological innovation. Recently, however, millions of US workers have rallied behind organized labor campaigns demanding fairer working conditions and higher wages. Radical Labor profiles a local chapter of Service Employees International Union (SEIU), Local 105, to understand how the labor movement is collaborating with allied community activists and working to build a multi-racial coalition of working people for social justice. SEIU Local 105's organizing is grounded in what President Ron Ruggiero called \"whole person unionism,\" which is a fundamental understanding that workers \"don't just exist at work.\" This recognition is crucial if the labor movement wishes to be part of a broader progressive social and political movement. Radical Labor confronts labor's problematic history with immigration and racial justice, and highlights how labor struggles, although rooted in class, are interconnected with race, gender, sexual orientation, and immigrant rights.