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With unprecedented subtlety, compassion and richness of detail, Susan Porter Benson takes readers into the budgets and the lives of working-class families in the United States between the two world wars. Focusing on families from regions across America and of differing races and ethnicities, she argues that working-class families of the time were not on the verge of entering the middle class and embracing mass culture. Rather, she contends that during the interwar period such families lived in a context of scarcity and limited resources, not plenty. Their consumption, Benson argues, revolved around hard choices about basic needs and provided therapeutic satisfactions only secondarily, if at all. Household Accountsis rich with details Benson gathered from previously untapped sources, particularly interviews with women wage earners conducted by field agents of the Women's Bureau of the Department of Labor. She provides a vivid picture of a working-class culture of family consumption: how working-class families negotiated funds; how they made qualitative decisions about what they wanted; how they determined financial strategies and individual goals; and how, in short, families made ends meet during this period. Topics usually central to the histories of consumption-he development of mass consumer culture, the hegemony of middle-class versions of consumption, and the expanded offerings of the marketplace-contributed to but did not control the lives of working-class people. Ultimately,Household Accountsseriously calls into question the usual narrative of a rising and inclusive tide of twentieth-century consumption.

Climate change and human–wildlife conflict are both pressing challenges for biodiversity conservation and human well-being in the Anthropocene. Climate change is a critical yet underappreciated amplifier of human–wildlife conflict, as it exacerbates resource scarcity, alters human and animal behaviours and distributions, and increases human–wildlife encounters. We synthesize evidence of climate-driven conflicts occurring among ten taxonomic orders, on six continents and in all five oceans. Such conflicts disrupt both subsistence livelihoods and industrial economies and may accelerate the rate at which human–wildlife conflict drives wildlife declines. We introduce a framework describing distinct environmental, ecological and sociopolitical pathways through which climate variability and change percolate via complex social–ecological systems to influence patterns and outcomes of human–wildlife interactions. Identifying these pathways allows for developing mitigation strategies and proactive policies to limit the impacts of human–wildlife conflict on biodiversity conservation and human well-being in a changing climate.The authors summarize the underappreciated role of climate change in amplifying human–wildlife conflict. They synthesize evidence of climate-related conflicts and introduce a framework highlighting the environmental, ecological and sociopolitical pathways linking climate change to conflict outcomes.

In light of the increasing refusal of some parents to vaccinate children, public health strategies have focused on increasing knowledge and awareness based on a \"knowledge-deficit\" approach. However, decisions about vaccination are based on more than mere knowledge of risks, costs, and benefits. Individual decision making about vaccinating involves many other factors including those related to emotion, culture, religion, and socio-political context. In this paper, we use a nationally representative internet survey in the U.S. to investigate socio-political characteristics to assess attitudes about vaccination. In particular, we consider how political ideology and trust affect opinions about vaccinations for flu, pertussis, and measles. Our findings demonstrate that ideology has a direct effect on vaccine attitudes. In particular, conservative respondents are less likely to express pro-vaccination beliefs than other individuals. Furthermore, ideology also has an indirect effect on immunization propensity. The ideology variable predicts an indicator capturing trust in government medical experts, which in turn helps to explain individual-level variation with regards to attitudes about vaccine choice.

Drawing on large-scale comparative surveys across nine sociopolitical contexts, we address the question when and why ethno-religious and city or national identities of European-born Muslims are in conflict. We argue that the sociopolitical context makes the difference between identity compatibility or conflict and that conflict arises from perceived discrimination and related negative feelings towards the national majority. Using multigroup structural equation modelling, we examine how Turkish and Moroccan Muslims in five European cities combine their civic membership of the city and country of residence—as common identities shared with the national majority—with distinct ethnic and religious identities. In all sociopolitical contexts, participants combined significant city and national identities with strong ethnic and religious identifications. Yet, identification patterns varied between contexts from conflict (negatively correlated minority and civic identities) over compartmentalization (zero correlations) to compatibility (positive correlations). Muslims who perceived more personal discrimination were more committed to their ethnic and religious identities while simultaneously dis-identifying from their country and city. Across cities, discrimination experiences and negative majority-group evaluations explained away identity conflict.

Studies of balances (scales) in Europe, Asia and northern Africa have found that their use is not exclusively tied to state control or market exchange, but rather grew and evolved through interactions among bureaucrats in centralized states, merchants, artisans and local leaders. Research on balances from Andean South America can contribute to an understanding of the diverse roles and functions of balances, as they developed independently in a region where there were both exchange-based and non-market economies. This article includes data on Andean balances that reveal that they were used as early as the Late Intermediate Period (ad 1100–1400), and that there is variation in the characteristics and dimensions of the balances. Similar to other regions, balances in the Andes were likely used by different groups of specialists including merchants, bureaucrats and artisans. To understand how balances were used, they need to be understood alongside long-distance exchange practices, socio-political strategies, the organization of craft production and the possible use of currency.

Over the past decade, much has been written about the potential of smart urbanism to bring about various and lasting forms of betterment. The embedding of digital technologies within urban infrastructures has been well documented, and the efficiencies of smart models of urban governance and management have been lauded. More recently, however, the discourse has been labelled ‘hegemonic’, and accused of developing a view of smart technology that is blinkered by its failure to critique its socio-political effects. By focusing on the case of Singapore’s ‘Smart Nation’ initiative, this paper embraces the paradoxes at the heart of smart urbanism and, in doing so, interrogates the tension between ideology and praxis, efficiency and control, access and choice, and smart governance and smart citizenship. It also demonstrates how such tensions are (re)produced through ‘fourthspace’ – the digitally enabled spaces of urbanism that are co-created, and that contribute to an expansion and diffusion of social and political responsibility. It ends by suggesting how such spaces have the potential to radically transform not just the urban environment, but also the role of government and citizens in designing urban futures. 过去十年来，有众多文献指出智慧都​​市主义有潜力带来各种持久的改善。数字技术如何植入城市基础设施中，已经得到很好的记录；城市治理和管理的智能模式之效率广受赞誉。然而，最近这个话语被贴上了“霸权”的标签，并被指责发展出了一种关于智能技术的盲目观点——因未能批评其社会政治效应而盲目。本文以新加坡“智能国家”计划为例，论述了智慧都市主义的核心矛盾，并在此基础上探讨了意识形态与实践、效率与控制、准入与选择，以及智慧治理与智慧公民之间的紧张关系。本文也证明，这种紧张关系是如何通过“第四空间” ——共同创造的数字化城市文化空间，有助于扩展和传播社会和政治责任——（再）生产的。最后，本文提出这样的空间如何有可能不仅从根本上改变城市环境，还改变政府和公民在城市未来的设计中发挥的作用。

PurposeFrom an internal perspective, the purpose of this study is to understand employees' responses to chief executive officer (CEO) activism, a phenomenon wherein a company's CEO expresses his/her own opinions and ideas on controversial sociopolitical issues. Integrating corporate social responsibility (CSR), public relations and leadership literature, this study examines the effects of employees' expectations toward CEOs and transformational CEO leadership on the perceived morality of CEO activism and its attitudinal and behavioral outcomes.Design/methodology/approachAn online survey was conducted with 417 full-time employees in the US whose CEO has been engaging in sociopolitical issues.FindingsThe results showed that employees' ethical expectations toward their CEOs and transformational CEO leadership were positively associated with perceived morality of CEO activism, whereas economic expectations toward CEOs had no significant relationship with it. In turn, perceived morality of CEO activism contributed to employees' positive attitudes and supportive behaviors for their CEOs and their companies.Originality/valueThis study is among the first attempts to examine the effectiveness of CEO activism from an internal perspective, drawing from CSR, public relations and leadership literature.

[...]community-level actions were fundamental in restoring access to neighborhoods and, ultimately, saving lives. When compared with US states and territories, Puerto Rico has the highest prevalence rates of premature births,4 one of the highest incidence rates of HIV,5 and was the focal point of the Zika virus epidemic.6 The potential implications of the aftermath of Hurricane Maria are severe for public health, when one considers that Puerto Rico is also structurally underresourced. The possible implementation of further austerity measures on Puerto Rico's government budget raises even more concerns about the availability of local resources to address the health care challenges posed by the public health situation after Hurricane Maria. [...]the federal response to the emergency in Puerto Rico has been slow and limited. Correspondence should be sent to Carlos E. Rodríguez-Díaz, Associate Professor, Doctoral Program in Public Health with Specialty in Social Determinants of Health and the Center for Evaluation and Sociomedical Research, Graduate School ofPublic Health, University of Puerto Rico-Medical Sciences Campus, PO Box 365067, San Juan, PR 00936-5067 (e-mail: carlos.rodriguez64@upr.edu).

Objective The purpose of this study was to understand the role that racial socialization plays in African American fathers' abilities to balance the responsibilities of being productive scholars and active parents and understand how racial socialization affects the perceived social support in the home and work environments. Background Though there is research on the microaggressions and implicit bias that African American faculty face, there is little research that specifically details the experiences of those balancing both the father and faculty member roles. Method Data were collected using semistructured interviews with 20 African American fathers who were employed as faculty members at various institutions in the United States. Additionally, I explored how the murders related to the #SayTheirName movement influenced conversations fathers had with their children related to racial socialization and anti‐Black racism in the United States. Results Participants noted that they experienced microaggressions in their academic environments. They were perceived as intimidating or characterized as the Angry Black Man. These perceptions were sources of mundane extreme environmental stress for participants. An emergent finding related to social support and work–life balance was that most study participants were members of Black Greek Letter Organizations (BGLOs) and found instrumental, informational, and emotional social support from these relationships. Conclusion Racial socialization received in their upbringing was a source of self‐efficacy for some participants. Additionally, perceived social support from the home and work environment was important for the participants' individual development, yet it was not the primary factor that influenced their work–life balance.

Empowerment has become an influential concept and theoretical framework for social policy and practice. Still, relatively little is known about the roles that empowerment plays in the ecology of human development, particularly among young people. This article reports results of a study of psychological empowerment among young people, using data from 629 high school students (65.8% female; 96.5% non-white). Using a path analysis, we examined the role of perceived sociopolitical control—an indicator of the intrapersonal component of psychological empowerment—as a mediator between ecological support systems and developmental outcomes. Findings confirmed that social support in family, peer, and school settings, and family cohesion positively predict self-esteem and perceived school importance, which, in turn, have protective effects on psychological symptoms, violent behaviors and substance use. Sociopolitical control was found to mediate the relationships between ecological supports and risk factors and developmental outcomes, leading to the conclusion that perceived efficacy in the sociopolitical domain, and youth empowerment, more generally, should be considered as core elements of the ecology of human development. Policy and practice aimed at promoting positive developmental outcomes and preventing risk behaviors should take their relationship to sociopolitical control into account.