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Starting from the assumption that the occurrence of Sequence of Tense violations in subjunctive argument clauses is sensitive to the type of clause, we examine the distribution of [Present under Past] occurrences violating the double access requirement (i.e. those in which the event in the subjunctive clause precedes Speech Time) in two closely related Spanish varieties, Argentinian and Uruguayan Spanish. Our results show that the two varieties clearly differ both in the frequency of occurrence of the [Present under Past] pattern and in the sensitivity of SoT violations to the type of clause, with the Argentinian variety exhibiting greater frequency of the pattern and less sensitivity to the type of clause. This supports our assumption that the Argentinian variety is more advanced in the process of change affecting the temporal specification of the present subjunctive as a morphological form.

On the basis of corpus and experimental evidence, this paper claims that the ongoing process of change affecting the use and interpretation of the [Present under Past] pattern in subjunctive argument clauses in some Spanish varieties is sensitive to the syntactic/semantic type of the clause. The pattern deviates from Sequence-of-Tense grammar in not giving rise to double access effects. In the variety explored in this paper, this only happens in the argument clauses of causative, directive, and volitional predicates, i.e. in a type of clause which is held to be lower in a scale of clausehood than the argument clauses of predicates of belief and assertion. @font-face{font-family:Calibri;panose-1:2 15 5 2 2 2 4 3 2 4;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:auto;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:3 0 0 0 1 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal{mso-style-parent:\"\";margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;mso-pagination:widow-orphan;font-size:12.0pt;font-family:Calibri;mso-fareast-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;}div.Section1{page:Section1;}

En el presente análisis contrastivo entre el español y el catalán se estudia la realización temporal de predicados de subjuntivo dependientes de una oración principal cuyo predicado expresa un evento pasado hodiernal de valor aspectual Aoristo (p. ej., Esta mañana me levanté/he levantado antes de que cantara/cantase/cante el gallo). En un estudio anterior (Kempas 2012), se reveló que, en los casos examinados, el tiempo del evento de la principal (canté o he cantado) se correlaciona con el tiempo del evento de la subordinada de subjuntivo (cante o cantaral cantase), por razones asociativas. En el presente estudio, el análisis se extendió al catalán, lengua en la que el único tiempo pasado aorístico en los contextos hodiernales es he cantat. Como método, se usaron pruebas de evocación contestadas por 403 informantes hispanohablantes y 185 catalanohablantes. De estos últimos, 137 (74,1%) son de Barcelona (catalán oriental central) y 48 (25,9%), de Castellón (catalán occidental valenciano). Por lo general, los resultados sobre el catalán coinciden en gran medida con los españoles en casos en los que el tiempo de la subordinada de subjuntivo española no depende del de la oración principal precedente. Por el contrario, cuando el tiempo de la oración principal condiciona el tiempo de la subordinada de subjuntivo, referida a un punto temporal posterior al momento enunciativo, se registra polarización entre los catalanes orientales y los valencianos. En ese caso, el 61,7% de los catalanes usan el imperfecto de subjuntivo en la subordinada y el 68,8% de los valencianos, el presente. Otro resultado de interés es el escaso uso del perfecto de subjuntivo (haya cantado/hagi cantat) cuando el evento expresado por la subordinada es anterior al momento enunciativo: la forma compuesta no se ha introducido en ninguna de las lenguas examinadas en la misma medida que su equivalente en indicativo. The present contrastive analysis between Spanish and Catalan focuses on the temporal realization of subjunctive predicates dependent on main clauses whose predicates express aoristic past events (e.g., Esta mañana me levanté/he levantado antes de que cantara/cantase/cante el gallo). A previous study (Kempas 2012) showed that, in the cases examined, the tense of the event of the main clause (canté or he cantado) correlates with that of the event of the subjunctive subordinate clause (cante o cantara/cantase) — by analogy. In the present study, the analysis was extended to Catalan, a language in which the only aoristic tense in hodiernal contexts is he cantat. The study was conducted using elicitation tests among 403 Spanish-speaking and 185 Catalan-speaking informants. Of the latter ones, (74.1%) are from Barcelona (Central Eastern Catalan) and 48 (25.9%), from Castellón (Valencian Western Catalan). Overall, the results for Catalan coincide to a great extent with those obtained for Spanish in cases in which the tense of the Spanish subordinate clause is not dependent on the tense of the preceding main clause. By contrast, when the tense of the main clause, referring to a point in time subsequent to the moment of utterance, conditions the tense of the subjunctive subordinate clause, the results for the Eastern Catalans and the Valencians are polarized. In such a case, 61.7 per cent of the Catalans use the past subjunctive in the subordinate clause, and 68,8 per cent of the Valencians the present subjunctive. Another result of interest is the scarce use of the present perfect subjunctive (haya cantado / hagi cantat) when the event expressed by the subordinate clause is prior to the moment of utterance: this compound form has been introduced by neither of the languages studied to the same extent as its indicative equivalent.

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction Deixis Binding theory Anaphors Pronominals The problem of complementary distribution References

Recent work on mood choice considers fine-grained semantic differences among desire predicates (notably, ‘want’ and ‘hope’) and their consequences for the distribution of indicative and subjunctive complement clauses. In that vein, this paper takes a close look at ‘intend’. I show that cross-linguistically, ‘intend’ accepts nonfinite and subjunctive complements and rejects indicative complements. This fact poses difficulties for recent approaches to mood choice. Toward a solution, a broad aim of this paper is to argue that—while ‘intend’ is loosely in the family of desire predicates—it differs from ‘want’ and ‘hope’ in that it has a causative component, and this is relevant to its mood choice behavior, given that causative predicates also systematically reject indicative complements. More concretely, my analysis has three ingredients: (i) following related proposals in philosophy, intention reports have causally self-referential content; (ii) encoding causal self-reference requires abstraction over the complement clause’s eventuality argument; and (iii) nonfinite and subjunctive clauses enable such abstraction but indicative clauses do not. Aside from causative predicates, independent support for the proposal comes from the syntax of belief-/intention-hybrid attitude predicates like ‘decide’ and ‘convince’, anankastic conditional antecedents, aspectual predicates, and memory and perception reports. Synthesizing this result with that of previous literature, the emergent generalization is that subjunctive mood occurs in attitude reports that involve either comparison or eventuality abstraction. Toward a unified theory of mood choice, I suggest that both comparison and eventuality abstraction represent departures from the clausal semantics of unembedded assertions and consequently that subjunctive mood signals such a departure.

The mental model theory postulates that the meanings of conditionals are based on possibilities. Indicative conditionals—such as “If he is injured tomorrow, then he will take some leave”—have a factual interpretation that can be paraphrased as It is possible, and remains so, that he is injured tomorrow, and in that case certain that he takes some leave . Subjunctive conditionals, such as, “If he were injured tomorrow, then he would take some leave,” have a prefactual interpretation that has the same paraphrase. But when context makes clear that his injury will not occur, the subjunctive has a counterfactual paraphrase, with the first clause: It was once possible, but does not remain so, that he will be injured tomorrow . Three experiments corroborated these predictions for participants’ selections of paraphrases in their native Spanish, for epistemic and deontic conditionals, for those referring to past and to future events, and for those with then clauses referring to what may or must happen. These results are contrary to normal modal logics. They are also contrary to theories based on probabilities, which are inapplicable to deontic conditionals, such as, “If you have a ticket, then you must enter the show.”

According to Faulkner (2022b), in the case of Spanish, “indicative directive complements are strongly preferable to subjunctive clauses when a weak necessity and teleological matrix directive embeds a modal verb of equivalent strength and type” (p. 8). She explains that the exceptionality of this phenomenon relates to both predicates being interpreted in concord with one another. Having compared and analyzed several authentic examples of mood use in this context (see Faulkner 2021b, 2022a, 2022b), she, consequently, suggests that, in spite of being labeled core selectors of the subjunctive (e.g., Villalta 2008), if a modal concord construction is to come into play, the mood of the particular directive complement is affected. However, unbeknownst to Faulkner (2022b) at the time of publishing, this symbiotic relationship between modal concord and mood is not exclusive to matrix and subordinate directives that are weak necessity (of strength) and teleological (of type). Concord readings may, in fact, be evoked in contexts in which both the matrix and embedded predicates are, for example, either deontic and strong necessity or bouletic and strong necessity. In other words, if the two expressions parallel each other in strength and priority, an indicative modal complement, interpreted in concord (or unison) with the main directive, is likely to result; and, most importantly, whether or not the two modal elements are teleological and weak necessity.

This paper addresses the issue of what determines the choice of nominalizer in Turkish nominalized clauses and presents data that discredits the account that the Turkish nominalizers -DIK and -mA mark indicative and subjunctive moods respectively. It then presents several pieces of evidence suggesting that -DIK marks the clause as a proposition, whereas -mA induces an eventive/stative reading. This conclusion is drawn from (i) the contrasting distribution of either nominalizer in the non-head position of compounds headed by proposition- vs event-denoting nominals, (ii) the selectional behavior of predicates that require subjunctive complements, and (iii) the (im)possibility of either form to occur in the subject position.

The late-acquired French subjunctive–indicative contrast conveys important information about event realization and is characterized by bound morphology, form ambiguity, contextual restrictedness, and the infrequency of the subjunctive. This study contributes underrepresented adverbial-clause interpretation data and incorporates lexical effects to extend what is known about why French mood is late-acquired. We assess interpretation of four adverbial conjunctions which primarily co-occur with subjunctive or indicative mood in corpus searches. Analysis of 77 participants revealed a statistically significant interaction between mood and proficiency, with more proficient learners affected by mood, whereas clause order influenced less proficient learners. Moreover, lower-proficiency learners treated adverbs within a particular class of co-occurrence more similarly across the 32 items than our advanced learners or native speakers, who were sensitive to lexical effects, attributable to the roles of frequency and semantics. The study contributes to the growing body of research on late-acquired structures, for which learners attend to evolving cues across acquisitional trajectories.

Philippe Schlenker gives a method of deriving local contexts from an expression's classical semantics. In this paper I show that this method, when applied to the traditional variably strict semantics for subjunctive conditionals of Robert Stalnaker, David Lewis, and Angelika Kratzer, delivers an empirically incorrect prediction. The prediction is that the antecedent of a conditional should have the whole domain of possible worlds as its local context and therefore should be allowed to have only necessary presuppositions. In the later part of the paper, I suggest the outlines of a solution to the problem. The solution involves adding a shifting contextual restriction on the domain of possible worlds.