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\"Good fish get dull but sex is always fun.\" So say the Mehinaku people of Brazil. But Thomas Gregor shows that sex brings a supreme ambiguity to the villagers' lives. In their elaborate rituals—especially those practiced by the men in their secret societies—the Mehinaku give expression to a system of symbols reminiscent of psychosexual neuroses identified by Freud: castration anxiety, Oedipal conflict, fantasies of loss of strength through sex, and a host of others. \"If we look carefully,\" writes Gregor, \"we will see reflections of our own sexual nature in the life ways of an Amazonian people.\" The book is illustrated with Mehinaku drawings of ritual texts and myths, as well as with photographs of the villagers taking part in both everyday and ceremonial activities.

No detailed description available for \"Anxious Pleasures\".

This chapter explores the kinds of female‐gendered and gender‐inclusive symbols to be found in Theravada. It explores a broad range of Theravada literature, adding to the evidence indicating that the mistaken equation of Theravada with early Buddhism has confined assumptions about Theravada to an over‐narrow purview. Postcanonical Theravada offers models for gender‐inclusive soteriological androgyny, which may provide parallels to those found in Vajrayana, the form of tantra that developed within Mahayana, which have been so important for feminist Buddhists. Finally, a recurrent criticism of feminist readings of Vajrayana literature is that an appreciation of the feminine should not be taken as an historical valorization of women as human beings. It had been assumed that such Female‐Inclusive Symbols had been largely lacking in Theravada because only a limited range of texts had been drawn on due to its equation with early Buddhism.

How social problems are constructed within social partnerships has significant effects on the management, impact, and survival of those partnerships. To explore how social problems are constructed, we adopt a social-symbolic work perspective, which highlights the variety of forms of work involved in this process, how they interact, and the impact of context on that process. Empirically, we focus on two social partnerships in Turkey that both addressed gender inequality but constructed that problem in very different terms. Our study suggests that the differences in how they came to construct the problem of gender inequality in Turkey was tied to the qualities of two forms of social-symbolic work—relational work and practice work—in which they engaged: the partnership that constructed gender inequality as an embedded problem engaged in extensive relational work and deep practice work; in contrast, the partnership that constructed the problem as disembedded engaged in efficient relational work and shallow practice work. Further, we observed that the construction of the problem of gender inequality was tied to different outcomes: an embedded social construction of the problem was associated with holistic outcomes on a more limited scale; a disembedded construction of the problem was associated with simpler outcomes on a greater scale. The paper contributes to the literature on social partnerships by showing how social problems are constructed through partners' work and how this affects their impact and sustainability. It also extends the literature on social-symbolic work by highlighting the interplay of different forms of work in constructing social problems. Finally, it contributes to research on gender inequality and organizations by showing how the work of social partnerships can shape conceptions of gender inequality at the meso level.

R. W. Connell's path-breaking notion of multiple masculinities (Connell, 1995) and hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1987, 1995) have been taken up as central constructs in the sociology of gender. Although there has been a great deal of empirical research and theory published that has built upon and utilized Connell's concepts, an adequate conceptualization of hegemonic femininity and multiple femininities has not yet been developed. To redress this, the author presents a theoretical framework that builds upon the insights of Connell and others, offers a definition of hegemonic masculinity and hegemonic femininity that allows for multiple configurations within each, and that can be used empirically across settings and groups. The author also outlines how hegemonic masculinity and hegemonic femininity are implicated in and intersect with other systems of inequality such as class, race, and ethnicity.

Proponents of restrictions on the wearing of religious symbols in public institutions in Quebec have often framed their support in the language of liberalism, with references to “gender equality”, “state neutrality” and “freedom of conscience”. However, efforts to account for support for restrictions on minority religious symbols rarely mention liberalism. In this article, we test the hypothesis that holding liberal values might have different attitudinal consequences in Quebec and the rest of Canada. Our findings demonstrate that holding liberal values is associated with support for restrictions on the wearing of minority religious symbols in Quebec, but it is associated with opposition to such restrictions in the rest of Canada. Moreover, this difference between Quebec and the rest of Canada in the relationship between liberal values and support for restrictions on minority religious symbols can explain Quebecers' greater support for restrictions. Les partisans de restrictions au port de symboles religieux dans les institutions publiques du Québec ont souvent formulé leur appui dans le langage du libéralisme, par des références à « l’égalité des sexes », « la neutralité de l’État » et « la liberté de conscience ». Toutefois, les recherches visant à expliquer les motivations des partisans de ces restrictions examinent rarement le rôle du libéralisme. Dans cet article, nous vérifions l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’adhésion aux valeurs libérales pourrait avoir des conséquences comportementales différentes au Québec et dans le reste du Canada. Nos résultats démontrent que le fait d’exprimer des valeurs libérales est associé à un plus fort appui aux restrictions au port de symboles religieux minoritaires au Québec, mais à une plus forte opposition à de telles restrictions dans le reste du Canada. De plus, cette différence entre le Québec et le reste du Canada dans la relation entre les valeurs libérales et l’appui aux restrictions sur les symboles religieux minoritaires peut expliquer pourquoi les Québécois appuient davantage de telles restrictions.

This study analyzes intracommunity violence among gay men in Santiago, Chile, emphasizing how the gaze operates as a mechanism of power over bodies. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with 16 self-identified gay men, we explore how heterocisnormative practices and discourses strain the materiality and subjective lived experience of corporealities, giving rise to processes of cisgenderist violence. The research employs feminist, queer, decolonial, and intersectional perspectives, revealing how internalized visual and material surveillance fosters bodily self-monitoring and strategies to “pass” or “go unnoticed.” Findings show that, rather than direct aggression alone, participants experience normative gazes that produce validation or rejection based on physical attributes, simultaneously reinforcing specific masculine ideals while marginalizing gender expressions that challenge normative standards. The gaze thus emerges as a subtle yet constant mechanism of social control, producing psychological and symbolic violence that negatively affects self-esteem and mental health. The results also underscore the importance of critically addressing these dynamics from a bodily and visual standpoint, shifting emphasis away from digital platforms toward everyday embodied interactions. Finally, based on the findings, we suggest expanding future qualitative and quantitative methodologies to probe intracommunity dynamics more deeply by incorporating intersectional and comparative approaches. We also advocate for interventions aimed at reducing this form of violence and promoting more inclusive and safer spaces within the gay community. Plain Language Summary The Embodied Gaze: Intracommunity Violence and Gender Norms among Homosexual Men This article explores violence within the gay community, specifically among homosexual men, highlighting how the gaze can operate as a mechanism of power over others. Through interviews with 16 participants in Santiago, Chile, it examines how heterocisnormative norms (norms favoring heterosexual, cisgender people) and gender stereotypes create hierarchies among bodies, leading to exclusion and symbolic violence. The analysis employs feminist, queer, decolonial, and intersectional frameworks to understand how internalized visual surveillance causes individuals to constantly monitor their own bodies to avoid drawing attention. The study concludes that this normative gaze generates internal hierarchies, symbolic, and physical violence, suggesting the need to expand both qualitative and quantitative methodologies in future research and interventions

Abstract Symbolic valuation is an important but overlooked aspect of gendered processes of inequality in the occupation structure. Prior work has largely focused on the material valuation of gendered work, such as how much predominantly-female versus predominantly-male occupations pay. Less research has examined the symbolic valuation of work, such as how prestigious predominantly-female versus predominantly-male occupations are. What research has examined this question has remained inconclusive at best. Drawing on insights into and techniques from the sociology of culture and cognition, this study examines the role of an occupation’s gender composition in how Americans judge the prestige of jobs, testing key predictions from theories of gender and status. Using 2012 General Social Survey and federal occupation-level data, it finds evidence for a segregation premium: people view gender-segregated occupations as the most symbolically valuable jobs. Both men and women reward gender-segregated occupations with symbolic value, although there is evidence of a gendered in-group bias in which women in particular see women’s work as more prestigious, while men see men’s work as more prestigious.

The recent discovery of an exceptionally rich grave at La Almoloya in south-eastern Spain illuminates the political context of Early Bronze Age El Argar society. The quantity, variety and opulence of the grave goods emphasise the technological, economic and social dimensions of this unique culture. The assemblage includes politically and ideologically emblematic objects, among which a silver diadem stands out. Of equally exceptional character is the building under which the grave was found—possibly one of the first Bronze Age palaces identified in Western Europe. The architecture and artefacts from La Almoloya provide new insight into emblematic individuals and the exercise of power in societies of marked economic asymmetry.

In this paper, we draw on Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of 'misrecognition', 'condescension' and 'consent and complicity' to demonstrate how domination and violence are reproduced in everyday interactions, social practices, institutional processes and dispositions. Importantly, this constitutes symbolic violence, which removes the victim's agency and voice. Indeed, we argue that as symbolic violence is impervious, insidious and invisible, it also simultaneously legitimises and sustains other forms of violence as well. Understanding symbolic violence together with traditional discourses of violence is important because it provides a richer insight into the 'workings' of violence, and provides new ways of conceptualising violence across a number of social fields and new strategies for intervention. Symbolic violence is a valuable tool for understanding contentious debates on the disclosure of violence, women leaving or staying in abusive relationships or returning to their abusers. While we focus only on violence against women, we recognise that the gendered nature of violence produces its own sets of vulnerabilities against men and marginalised groups, such as LGBT. The paper draws on empirical research conducted in Sweden in 2003. Sweden is an interesting case study because despite its progressive gender equality policies, there has been no marked decrease in violence towards women by men.