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Based on the analysis of the first year of the Hirak, the Algerian protest movement started on February 2019, the article focuses on its visual performance and on the narrative emerging from it. Banners, posters and photos highlight the Hirak's specific attempt to give a new meaning to the discourse about the Algerian people and its unity. Particular attention is given to the visual performance of Algerian diversity exemplified by the deployment of the Amazigh flag during the protests. The flag became more than a cultural symbol and represented an instance of freedom and a manifestation of the people's will to escape traditional hetero-definitions of belongings and identities.

Based on the analysis of the first year of the Hirak, the Algerian protest movement started on February 2019, the article focuses on its visual performance and on the narrative emerging from it. Banners, posters and photos highlight the Hirak's specific attempt to give a new meaning to the discourse about the Algerian people and its unity. Particular attention is given to the visual performance of Algerian diversity exemplified by the deployment of the Amazigh flag during the protests. The flag became more than a cultural symbol and represented an instance of freedom and a manifestation of the people's will to escape traditional hetero-definitions of belongings and identities.

Starting from the orality and experience of the Hirak actors, we conducted a series of semi-structured interviews and field observation, as well as the analysis of the web content of the Hirak actors, to express the relationship to the protest memory of the Rif. This memory does not present a logical sequence of events, but rather operates as a rhetorical approach to the past where the real and the imaginary move as elements that constantly shapes the \"market of memory\". As such, this paper seeks to capture the movements of inversion from a heroic Rif to a victimized Rif, and vice versa. We will show how the Hirak serves to renew memory, and how actors renew their action by making memory dynamic.

The popular movement in Algeria against a fifth presidential term for Abdelaziz Bouteflika in February 2019 – known as the Hirak – laid bare the population’s discontent with a political regime incapable of satisfying its demands for dignity and political freedoms. In the face of the Hirak, the military took control again, imposing a road map aimed at re-establishing institutional normality. But neither Bouteflika’s resignation nor fresh elections served to give the new government the mantle of legitimacy of power, a fragility that it tried to offset by reviving traditional means – like historical legitimacy – and deploying a strategy on the international stage designed to win the support of international partners. This paper addresses the process of co-construction of a narrative with the aim of legitimising the political reconstitution of the post-Hirak Algerian regime, based on the examples of Spain and France.

In the wake of the Hirak (the 2019-2020 protests and social mobilisation), the Algerian power elite has turned to foreign policy both to restore Algeria’s place on the international stage and to contain the country’s social and political crisis. Considering foreign policy to be an effective means of legitimation, it has used it to try to dampen the population’s rage caused by the excesses of Abdelaziz Bouteflika’s four terms in office (1999-2019). In order to develop this policy, the current president, Abdelmadjid Tebboune, has launched the idea of a new Algeria, which presents itself to the world via a new foreign policy.

Public and vocal calls by Algerian feminist groups to revise restrictive laws about women during the 2019 Hirak (“protest” in Arabic) were met with physical and online violence from both pro-government and reformist groups. Theories considering the role of public spaces in advancing democratic efforts differ on strategy and method for inclusion of marginalized voices. Through structured open-ended questionnaires with Algerian feminist demonstrators, this study probes the perceived efficacy of various democratic-advancing tactics. Findings show a reticence on the part of Algerian feminists in cultivating open social media spaces or efforts to assimilate into a single public and echo previous findings of those advocating for a more disputed perspective on democracy.

In experiencing migration, some actors may take political action to contrast their own loneliness and to claim the belonging both to the host country and the country of origin. For the foreigners living in Italy, approaching to the social and political struggles of the community of origin can be a way to claim the belonging to a group, or to several groups. The objective of this contribution is to analyse the transnational networks of the political mobilisation at the time of globalization, the migration flows and the increasing use of online social networks. The Moroccan movement Hirak Rif was born in the region of Rif during October 2016 to advance social, political and economic demands. This work’s aim is to examine the mobilisation of the Moroccans living in Italy, in particular of those from the Riffian region. They use Facebook as a tool of struggle, to fight the loneliness that they consider the end of the Hirak’s strength. In this contribution, the role of the social networks as means of separation among individuals is questioned,  supporting instead their unifying function. The social networks as political tools are essential to the existence of the Moroccan diaspora’s political action. This comes clear both from the observation of the movement’s action and from the interviews with the activists. Therefore, the assumption of the movement’s loneliness and the methods used in order to oppose it, seem to be strategies to fight the loneliness of the activists themselves. This can be seen as a migrant’s double loneliness, echoing the migrant’s double absence of Sayad’s analysis . The activists’ actions put in place to support the Riffian movement would lead, on the one hand, to the strengthening of the links between the individuals and the group of origin; on the other hand, they would lead to the creation or to the consolidation of the group in the immigration country. The political action, made possible and easier thanks to the social networks, is used by the activists to create and legitimate both groups. In this way the double political belonging of the activists is built and strengthened.

Between March 2019 and October 2021, Algerian workers staged no fewer than 214 strikes, playing a vital role in the fall of former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and continuing to mobilise in the aftermath. Yet, they have gained little. This article constructs an innovative dataset on strikes in Algeria, which draws on both French-language and Arabic newspapers, to explain why workers have achieved only modest gains. It does so by pointing to three crucial factors: the separation between the ‘economic’ and ‘political’ wings of the protest movement; the division between workers in the private and public sectors; and the split between the former sole trade union in the country and the autonomous unions.

When Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika announced in February 2019 that he would seek a fifth term, the people took to the streets in protest. This sparked the Hirak, an ongoing popular movement that ultimately resulted in the withdrawal of Bouteflika's candidacy. In March 2019, during the early stages of the protest and before Bouteflika's withdrawal, a video of a young man reacting candidly to the situation in the country went viral on social media. A phrase he used to express his frustration with the political elite, ytnahaw ga' (meaning remove them altogether), became a salient slogan in subsequent protests. The language dynamics in the video show the continued relevance of unresolved language issues in the country, and suggest that part of the movement's aspirations are not only political, but cultural as well.

This study examines the metaphors used to depict corrupt individuals in the context of the Jordanian Hirak protest movement during the Arab Spring (2011-2012). This analysis was conducted using the lens of a Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) approach. To this end, a specialized corpus of socio-political articles was built from two mainstream Jordanian newspapers: Al-Rai and Addustour. The corpus was examined using WordSmith Tools, which support Arabic data. The study reveals that several source domains were employed to represent corrupt individuals in the Jordanian socio-political discourse, namely, disease, organisms, warfare, nature, supernatural creatures, meal/kitchen, machine, fire and journey. The metaphors employed represent the great wrath of Jordanians toward widespread corruption and its effects on Jordanians and the nation at large. Additionally, these metaphors highlight Jordanians' steadfast commitment to combatting corruption and holding those responsible for it accountable, both of which have been elevated to the top of their priority list. The study concludes that the use of negative metaphors to describe corrupt individuals in Jordanian socio-political discourse demonstrates the significant expansion of Jordanians' freedom of expression in the backdrop of the Jordanian Hirak protest movement during the Arab Spring.