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Los persas de Esquilo, por encima del conflicto que evoca la pieza, se ofrece como un thrênos, un ininterrumpido lamento en el que su autor medita serenamente sobre los efectos devastadores de la violencia, a la vez que muestra la radical diferencia entre dos formas de gobierno —tiranía/democracia—. Estas páginas se orientan a ver cómo esta reflexión pueda, tal vez, iluminarnos para tratar de resolver situaciones críticas de nuestro mundo contemporáneo, así, por ejemplo, la guerra entre Rusia y Ucrania.

Numerous processes of large-scale human mobility (colonization, forced mass migrations) drastically altered the sociopolitical landscape of the Ancient Greek world. Small-scale migration, including the development of scholarly courts and philosophical communities, gathered intellectuals together from around the Mediterranean. While the courts of the Syracusan tyrants attracted many influential scholars, many of these men were expelled due to the jealousy or suspicion of the tyrants. Although they became political refugees and exiles who suffered rupture, fear, and shame, their elite status and access to personal networks changed the power dynamic with these rulers. This chapter will analyze the experiences of four scholars (Timaeus, Philoxenus, Plato, and Dion) to determine how this traumatic event affected both their literary works and/or political views. Their responses and ability to influence contemporary literature and politics thus transform their identity from a powerless refugee to a powerful actor who used their mobility to enact changes that questioned the authority of the tyrant.

Having won a two-third majority in Parliament at the 2010 elections, the Hungarian political party Fidesz removed many of the institutional obstacles of exerting power. Just like the party, the state itself was placed under the control of a single individual, who since then has applied the techniques used within his party to enforce submission and obedience onto society as a whole. In a new approach the author characterizes the system as the ‘organized over-world’, the ‘state employing mafia methods’ and the ’adopted political family', applying these categories not as metaphors but elements of a coherent conceptual framework.The actions of the post-communist mafia state model are closely aligned with the interests of power and wealth concentrated in the hands of a small group of insiders. While the traditional mafia channeled wealth and economic players into its spheres of influence by means of direct coercion, the mafia state does the same by means of parliamentary legislation, legal prosecution, tax authority, police forces and secret service. The innovative conceptual framework of the book is important and timely not only for Hungary, but also for other post-communist countries subjected to autocratic rules.

This study investigates the within-domain exacerbation phenomenon in relation to employees’ perception of their supervisors’ leadership behaviors. This phenomenon proposes that exposure to supervisors relying on a combination of destructive leadership behaviors (DLB; operationalized as petty tyranny) and constructive leadership behaviors (CLB; operationalized as transformational leadership) should have more negative consequences on followers’ levels of thriving and behavioral empowerment than exposure to supervisors relying more exclusively on DLB or CLB. This phenomenon was tested using a person-centered mixture regression approach with a sample of 2104 Canadian employees from a police organization. Three profiles of employees were identified, representing those exposed to moderately transformational (mostly CLB), destructive (mostly DLB), and inconsistent (CLB and DLB) supervisors. Members of the inconsistent profile displayed the lowest levels of thriving and behavioral empowerment, followed by members of the destructive profile, and finally by members of the moderately transformational profile. Results also suggest that the inability to determine if a supervisor is more destructive or constructive might explain the withindomain exacerbation phenomenon. Indeed, in the inconsistent profile, leadership clarification seemed beneficial for employees. Increases in DLB resulted in a matching increase in empowered behaviors centered on the group and organization, while increases in CLB resulted in increases in thriving and empowered behaviors centered on individual performance.

MITEM (Mádach International Theatre Meeting) celebrated its tenth anniversary in October 2023, somewhat out of sync and out of time because of the festival’s cancellation due to Covid in 2020. It was absorbed into the Theatre Olympics (as discussed in New Theatre Quarterly, XXXIX, No. 4 (November 2023) [NTQ 156], p. 377–86), but its most recent edition was something of a replacement for the cancelled event, presented in the round figure of ten that has made everybody happy. It has also allowed this editor to follow through with a ‘PS’ to that article, acknowledging the importance of MITEM for both the National Theatre in Budapest and the theatregoing public. By contrast with the three and a half months of the Theatre Olympiad, MITEM lasted a modest twenty-four days.

Discussions of Nazi law tend to centre upon Fuller’s desiderata of the rule of law. Whilst not disputing this connection, this essay argues that tyranny and oppression are marked by the (ab)use of law to invade the domain proper to individual moral thinking, and to transform citizens into models of conformity to whatever values the tyrant cherishes. Its main consideration is how a community can recover from periods of tyranny, and how the law can recover its dignity having shown itself capable of evil uses. So, it is focused more on ‘substantive’ rather than ‘procedural’ morality.

El 4 de junio de 1943 las Fuerzas Armadas derrocaron al presidente Ramón S. Castillo, el último gobierno de la llamada \"década infame\", por el uso regular y abusivo del fraude electoral. Esta interrupción del orden constitucional puede considerarse un golpe de Estado o una revolución; en cualquiera de los dos casos los efectos reales son los mismos: supresión de los partidos políticos, promoción del desarrollo industrial, mayor regulación de las relaciones de trabajo, fuerte influencia de los sectores más reaccionarios de la Iglesia Católica, obligatoriedad de la enseñanza religiosa en las escuelas públicas, purgas masivas en las universidades, con la cesantía de profesores y la expulsión de cientos de estudiantes, marcado retroceso de la libertad cultural.Y quizás por encima de todo esto, el surgimiento de una figura que cambiaría la Argentina del siglo XX: Juan Domingo Perón. Fue parte de la insurrección militar y entre 1943 y 1945 se desempeñó como Secretario de Trabajo y Previsión Social, Ministro de Guerra y Vicepresidente. Luego fue destituido y encarcelado, hasta que la movilización del 17 de octubre le devolvió la libertad. El régimen llamó a elecciones en 1946, se presentó como candidato y triunfó. Aunque por entonces quizás no se pudiera entender, acababa de nacer el peronismo.Este libro fundamental, compilado por Miranda Lida e Ignacio A. López, analiza el decisivo y duradero impacto que este proceso tuvo en la política, la sociedad, las instituciones y la economía. Si uno observa el país de mayo de 1943 y lo compara con el de 1946 o 1948, las diferencias son abrumadoras. Mayor peso de los sindicatos, una legislación laboral más justa y progresista, la UCR, el partido hasta entonces mayoritario, en crisis, creciente preponderancia del Estado en la vida pública, una ciudadanía polarizada. Otra Argentina se afirmaba; algunos de sus trazos llegan hasta hoy.

This essay focuses on the role that the theme of the war waged by the citizens plays in the tyrant Hiero’s regret for his lost status as a citizen. By invoking the military commitment that citizens offer to the city when it is engaged in a common war, Hiero underlines those aspects of being a citizen that he misses the most: sharing in the joys of victory, taking part in collective discussions when the community decides to go to war for a common advantage, the protection of the laws afforded to the citizens defending their city, the honor that victory over the enemy brings to the entire community of citizens.

More precise explanations are needed to better understand why public green spaces are diminishing in cities, leading to the loss of ecosystem services that humans receive from natural systems. This paper is devoted to the incremental change of green spaces—a fate that is largely undetectable by urban residents. The paper elucidates a set of drivers resulting in the subtle loss of urban green spaces and elaborates on the consequences of this for resilience planning of ecosystem services. Incremental changes of greenspace trigger baseline shifts, where each generation of humans tends to take the current condition of an ecosystem as the normal state, disregarding its previous states. Even well-intended political land-use decisions, such as current privatization schemes, can cumulatively result in undesirable societal outcomes, leading to a gradual loss of opportunities for nature experience. Alfred E. Kahn referred to such decision making as ‘the tyranny of small decisions.’ This is mirrored in urban planning as problems that are dealt with in an ad hoc manner with no officially formulated vision for long-term spatial planning. Urban common property systems could provide interim solutions for local governments to survive periods of fiscal shortfalls. Transfer of proprietor rights to civil society groups can enhance the resilience of ecosystem services in cities.