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This article explores how the Mexican state gathered, archived and destroyed information. It focuses on the US–Mexico campaign against foot-and-mouth disease between 1947 and 1952, whose paper archive Mexican officials burned near the successful conclusion of the campaign. This article argues that several factors shaped the context for this documentary bonfire and made the 1940s a key point of inflection in Mexico’s history of official information-gathering: the dominant party’s system of elite power-sharing, the growth of a reading public and the regime’s drift rightward. At the same time, the nature of the foot-and-mouth disease campaign itself ensured that, despite its possible uses, the archive was particularly sensitive, providing evidence of the embarrassing gaps that began to yawn between the state’s language of revolutionary nationalism and its political practise. Indeed, the bonfire represented the culmination of practises Mexican officials had already developed throughout the campaign to reconcile the demands of legibility and deniability, hemispheric integration and nationalism, political stability and state capacity. More broadly, the case illustrates the uneven effects of US assistance on the development of state capacity, the authoritarian but institutionally weak character of the early PRIísta state, and the role of archives in maintaining a coherent image of state sovereignty.

Italy has grappa, Russia has vodka, Jamaica has rum. Around the world, certain drinks—especially those of the intoxicating kind—are synonymous with their peoples and cultures. For Mexico, this drink is tequila. For many, tequila can conjure up scenes of body shots on Cancún bars and coolly garnished margaritas on sandy beaches. Its power is equally strong within Mexico, though there the drink is more often sipped rather than shot, enjoyed casually among friends, and used to commemorate occasions from the everyday to the sacred. Despite these competing images, tequila is universally regarded as an enduring symbol of lo mexicano. ¡Tequila! Distilling the Spirit of Mexico traces how and why tequila became and remains Mexico's national drink and symbol. Starting in Mexico's colonial era and tracing the drink's rise through the present day, Marie Sarita Gaytán reveals the formative roles played by some unlikely characters. Although the notorious Pancho Villa was a teetotaler, his image is now plastered across the labels of all manner of tequila producers—he's even the namesake of a popular brand. Mexican films from the 1940s and 50s, especially Western melodramas, buoyed tequila's popularity at home while World War II caused a spike in sales within the whisky-starved United States. Today, cultural attractions such as Jose Cuervo's Mundo Cuervo and the Tequila Express let visitors insert themselves into the Jaliscan countryside—now a UNESCO-protected World Heritage Site—and relish in the nostalgia of pre-industrial Mexico. Our understanding of tequila as Mexico's spirit is not the result of some natural affinity but rather the cumulative effect of U.S.-Mexican relations, technology, regulation, the heritage and tourism industries, shifting gender roles, film, music, and literature. Like all stories about national symbols, the rise of tequila forms a complicated, unexpected, and poignant tale. By unraveling its inner workings, Gaytán encourages us to think critically about national symbols more generally, and the ways in which they both reveal and conceal to tell a story about a place, a culture, and a people. In many ways, the story of tequila is the story of Mexico.

This article reflects upon the shared experience of learning and teaching among a community of Dreamers at San Jose State University in fall 2020. The triple whammy of the COVID-19 pandemic, the murder of George Floyd, and the 2020 presidential election created a semester like no other for college students. Our class acquired a deeper understanding of the historical and political events that brought us to the United States as inhabitants of the California borderlands as we watched the events of 2020 unfold.

This is the untold history of the United States Border Patrol from its beginnings in 1924 as a small peripheral outfit to its emergence as a large professional police force. To tell this story, Kelly Lytle Hernández dug through a gold mine of lost and unseen records stored in garages, closets, an abandoned factory, and in U.S. and Mexican archives. Focusing on the daily challenges of policing the borderlands and bringing to light unexpected partners and forgotten dynamics,Migra!reveals how the U.S. Border Patrol translated the mandate for comprehensive migration control into a project of policing Mexicans in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands.

Award-winning journalist Tyche Hendricks has explored the U.S.-Mexico borderlands by car and by foot, on horseback, and in the back of a pickup truck. She has shared meals with border residents, listened to their stories, and visited their homes, churches, hospitals, farms, and jails. In this dazzling portrait of one of the least understood and most debated regions in the country, Hendricks introduces us to the ordinary Americans and Mexicans who live there—cowboys and Indians, factory workers and physicians, naturalists and nuns. A new picture of the borderlands emerges, and we find that this region is not the dividing line so often imagined by Americans, but is a common ground alive with the energy of cultural exchange and international commerce, burdened with too-rapid growth and binational conflict, and underlain with a deep sense of history.

This memoir recalls the individuals and initiatives that formed the basis of the University of California Institute for Mexico and the United States (UC MEXUS) from its conception by UC President David Saxon in 1980 through its formal establishment within the University of California system in 1992. Throughout the period, the UC MEXUS project served as a vehicle for evolution and expression of the University’s objective of leading the nation in its binational approach to scientific collaboration, political discourse, Chicano/Latino studies, and broadly relevant topics in the arts and humanities. Esta memoria recuerda a los individuos y las iniciativas que sentaron las bases del Instituto para México y Estados Unidos de la Universidad de California (UC MEXUS) desde su concepción por el presidente de la UC David Saxon en 1980 hasta su establecimiento formal dentro del sistema de la Universidad de California en 1992. A lo largo de este tiempo, el proyecto UC MEXUS ha servido como vehículo para la evolución y expresión del objetivo universitario de conducir a la nación a la colaboración científica, el discurso político, los estudios chicanos/latinos y temas de gran relevancia en las artes y las humanidades desde un enfoque binacional.

This article explores the mechanisms of Mexican identity as they are constructed in Alfonso Arau’s film Como agua para chocolate (1991) (Like Water for Chocolate). In re-designing the characters of Laura Esquivel’s novel, Arau produces a range of filmic stereotypes drawn from both the Hollywood and the Mexican traditions of film-making. Through the careful manipulation of filmic devices such as editing, framing and close-ups, many of the features of Mexican otherness perpetuated by Hollywood throughout the twentieth century are inscribed. I apply the metaphor of boiling, derived from the film’s title, to examine certain key concepts of cinematic ‘mexicanness’ including the tropes of ‘revolution’, ‘border’, ‘race’ and ‘sex’. Crucial to this argument is a consideration of the contemporary political climate in which Like Water for Chocolate was both produced and released. In Mexico, it was released halfway through the sexenio (six-year period of rule) of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari’s rule and is clearly one of the most succesful cultural products (and exports) of his government’s now infamous rule. In the United States, the climate of anti-immigrant attitudes in 1992 and 1993 and the corresponding political tension provokes new readings of certain stereotypical images of Mexicans and mexicanness. It is the tension that is produced by the collision between these two contexts — cultural, political and ethnic — that forms the principal focus of discussion in this article.

At the turn of the millennium, Mexico seemed to have finally found its path to political and economic modernization; a state which had been deeply embedded in society was being pulled out, with new political leaders allowing market forces to play a greater role in guiding the nation's economic development, and allowing old patron-client networks to crumble. At the same time, many hoped that political and legal reforms would increase the state's capacity to provide prosperity, security, and equity for its citizens. In the midst of this historic transformation, however, Mexico was confronted with an urgent new policy challenge. Internationally recognized experts from the academic and think-tank communities in the United States, Mexico, and Canada consider the origins of the current crisis in Mexico, and the nature and effectiveness of the Calderón government's response. Simply not another book on North American regional security, this volume uses Joel Migdal's concept of \"the state in society\" to provide a refreshingly clear and accessible exploration of political change in the developing world.  The engagement with the US and Canada gives the reader a chance to observe the dynamics of persuasion across the developmental divide. Four key questions structure the study: What does the ongoing security crisis in Mexico tell us about the changing role of the state in society there? What does the changing role of the state tell us about the nature (and intractability) of the crisis? How has the transition to democracy affected the links between the state and organized crime in Mexico, and the state's capacity to contain non-state challengers? What kinds of political and legal reforms are called for, and what effects can we expect them to have on the extent and intensity of violence in Mexico? No other study comprehensively uncover

This article explores the mechanisms of Mexican identity as they are constructed in Alfonso Arau's film Como agua para chocolate (1991) (Like Water for Chocolate). In re-designing the characters of Laura Esquivel's novel, Arau produces a range of filmic stereotypes drawn from both the Hollywood and the Mexican traditions of film-making. Through the careful manipulation of filmic devices such as editing, framing and close-ups, many of the features of Mexican otherness perpetuated by Hollywood throughout the twentieth century are inscribed. I apply the metaphor of boiling, derived from the film's title, to examine certain key concepts of cinematic 'mexicanness' including the tropes of 'revolution', 'border', 'race' and 'sex'. Crucial to this argument is a consideration of the contemporary political climate in which Like Water for Chocolate was both produced and released. In Mexico, it was released halfway through the sexenio (six-year period of rule) of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari's rule and is clearly one of the most succesful cultural products (and exports) of his government's now infamous rule. In the United States, the climate of anti-immigrant attitudes in 1992 and 1993 and the corresponding political tension provokes new readings of certain stereotypical images of Mexicans and mexicanness. It is the tension that is produced by the collision between these two contexts -- cultural, political and ethnic -- that forms the principal focus of discussion in this article.

Standard methodologies for determining the number of foreign-born residents living in a nation cannot be used to count the number of US citizens living in Mexico primarily because US citizens are able to move back and forth between the two countries. In this article, data shortcomings are analyzed and a case study of a small coastal community is presented. Forty-four interviews of Mexican and US residents provide insight into issues such as resource usage, assimilation, and other impacts created by a growing foreign population. Los métodos usuales para determinar el número de residentes en un país que nacieron en el extranjero son poco útiles para saber cuántos ciudadanos originarios de Estados Unidos viven en México, esencialmente porque éstos tienen una movilidad recurrente entre ambos países. Esta dificultad se analiza usando el caso de una pequeña comunidad costera, donde se entrevistó a 44 residentes mexicanos y estadounidenses. Los resultados permiten conocer el uso de los recursos locales, los procesos de asimilación, y otros impactos derivados de la pre-sencia creciente de pobladores extranjeros.