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The 25-hydroxyvitamin D3 (25OHD3) deficiency in chronic kidney disease (CKD) is associated with immune system dysfunction (pro-inflammatory cytokines storm) through macrophages renal infiltration, oxidative stress (OxS) damage and athero-thromboembolic risk. Conversely, cholecalciferol supplementation (25OHD-S) prevents kidney fibrosis by inhibition of vascular calcification and nephrotic apoptosis (nephrons reduction). The objective of this study was to investigate the pleiotropic effects of 25OHD-S on immunomodulation, antioxidant status and in protecting against thromboembolic events in deficiency CKD Black and White individuals living in the Southern Sahara (SS). The oral 25OHD-S was evaluated in 60,000 IU/month/36 weeks versus in 2000 IU/day/24 weeks in Black (n = 156) and White (n = 150). Total serum vitamin D was determined by liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry. All biomarkers of pro-inflammatory cytokines (PIC) were assessed by ELISA tests. OxS markers were assessed by Randox kits. Homocysteine and lipoproteine (a) were evaluated by biochemical methods as biomarkers of atherothromboembolic risk. All statistical analyses were performed with Student’s t-test and one-way ANOVA. The Pearson test was used to calculate the correlation coefficient. The means will be significantly different at a level of p value < 0.05. Multiple logistic regressions were performed using Epi-info and Statview software. Vitamin D deficiency alters the PIC profile, OxS damage and atherothrombogenic biomarkers in both SS groups in the same manner; however, these disorders are more acute in Black compared to White SS individuals. The results showed that the serum 25OHD3 concentrations became normal (>75 nmol/L or >30 ng/mL) in the two groups. We have shown that the dose and duration of 25OHD-S treatment are not similar in Black SS residents compared to White SS subjects, whilst the same inhabit the south Sahara environment. It appears that a high dose intermittent over a long period (D60: 36 weeks) was more efficient in Black people; while a lower dose for a short time is sufficient (D2: 24 weeks) in their White counterparts. The oral 25OHD-S attenuates PIC overproduction and OxS damage, but does not reduce athero-thromboembolic risk, particularly in Black SS residents.

Urban residential integration is often fleeting-a brief snapshot that belies a complex process of racial turnover in many U.S. cities.White Flight/Black Flighttakes readers inside a neighborhood that has shifted rapidly and dramatically in race composition over the last two decades. The book presents a portrait of the life of a working-class neighborhood in the aftermath of white flight, illustrating cultural clashes that accompany racial change as well as common values that transcend race, from the perspectives of three different groups who are living it: white stayers, black pioneers, and \"second-wave\" blacks. Rachael A. Woldoff offers a fresh look at race and neighborhoods by documenting a two-stage process of neighborhood transition and focusing on the perspectives of two understudied groups: newly arriving black residents and whites who have stayed in the neighborhood. Woldoff describes the period of transition when white residents still remain, though in diminishing numbers, and a second, less discussed stage of racial change: black flight. She reveals what happens after white flight is complete: \"Pioneer\" blacks flee to other neighborhoods or else adjust to their new segregated residential environment by coping with the loss of relationships with their longer-term white neighbors, signs of community decline, and conflicts with the incoming second wave of black neighbors. Readers will find several surprising and compelling twists to the white flight story related to positive relations between elderly stayers and the striving pioneers, conflict among black residents, and differences in cultural understandings of what constitutes crime and disorder.

This introductory chapter presents ethnographic vignettes to demonstrate the institutional inequalities and interpersonal abuses characterizing the lived experiences of youth homelessness in South Africa. These vignettes exhibit how plans of “rehabilitation” essentially equate to evictions and arrests, by means of which poor black youth—deemed unfit for urban citizenship—are expelled from the city center. The chapter also introduces Point Place, a five-story apartment complex located between Durban's beachfront and central business district. In many respects, the youthful occupation of Point Place reflects the shifting demographic of South Africa's inner cities. It reveals the uneasy transitions of the lifting of repressive influx-control laws and the subsequent flight of white residents and capital from the city centers.

As darkness fell on June 3, 1960, a group of white residents committed to the eventual reopening of the Prince Edward public schools emerged from a semisecret meeting at former school board chairman Maurice Large’s cabin. They found a “patrol force” of PESF board members waiting outside to identify them. A car parked on a nearby public road trained its headlights upon all the vehicles exiting from Large’s driveway, and attendee Lester Andrews spotted one of his friends writing down names. A story circulated that C. W. “Rat” Glenn, one of the most feared men in the county, had forced

On Melbenan Drive just west of Atlanta, sunlight falls onto a long row of well-kept lawns. Two dozen homes line the street; behind them wooden decks and living-room windows open onto vast woodland properties. Residents returning from their jobs steer SUVs into long driveways and emerge from their automobiles. They walk to the front doors of their houses past sculptured bushes and flowers in bloom. For most people, this cozy image of suburbia does not immediately evoke images of African Americans. But as this pioneering work demonstrates, the suburbs have provided a home to black residents in increasing numbers for the past hundred years—in the last two decades alone, the numbers have nearly doubled to just under twelve million. Places of Their Own begins a hundred years ago, painting an austere portrait of the conditions that early black residents found in isolated, poor suburbs. Andrew Wiese insists, however, that they moved there by choice, withstanding racism and poverty through efforts to shape the landscape to their own needs. Turning then to the 1950s, Wiese illuminates key differences between black suburbanization in the North and South. He considers how African Americans in the South bargained for separate areas where they could develop their own neighborhoods, while many of their northern counterparts transgressed racial boundaries, settling in historically white communities. Ultimately, Wiese explores how the civil rights movement emboldened black families to purchase homes in the suburbs with increased vigor, and how the passage of civil rights legislation helped pave the way for today's black middle class. Tracing the precise contours of black migration to the suburbs over the course of the whole last century and across the entire United States, Places of Their Own will be a foundational book for anyone interested in the African American experience or the role of race and class in the making of America's suburbs.

Theoretical research suggests that racialized felony disenfranchisement-a form of structural racism-is likely to undermine the health of Black people, yet empirical studies on the topic are scant. We used administrative data on disproportionate felony disenfranchisement of Black residents across US states, linked to geocoded individual-level health data from the 2016 Health and Retirement Study, to estimate race-specific regression models describing the relationship between racialized disenfranchisement and health among middle-aged and older adults, adjusting for other individual- and state-level factors. Results show that living in states with higher levels of racialized disenfranchisement is associated with more depressive symptoms, more functional limitations, more difficulty performing instrumental activities of daily living, and more difficulty performing activities of daily living among Black people. However, there are no statistically significant relationships between racialized disenfranchisement and health among White people. These findings suggest that policies aiming to mitigate disproportionate Black felony disenfranchisement not only are essential for political inclusion but also may be valuable tools for improving population health equity.

According to recent research, ethnoracial diversity negatively affects trust and social capital. This article challenges the current conception and measurement of \"diversity\" and invites scholars to rethink \"so-cial capital\" in complex societies. It reproduces the analysis of Putnam and shows that the association between diversity and self-reported trust is a compositional artifact attributable to residential sorting: non-whites report lower trust and are overrepresented in heterogeneous communities. The association between diversity and trust is better explained by differences between communities and their residents in terms of race/ethnicity, residential stability, and economic conditions; these classic indicators of inequality, not diversity, strongly and consistently predict self-reported trust. Diversity indexes also obscure the distinction between in-group and out-group contact. For whites, heterogeneity means more out-group neighbors; for nonwhites, heterogeneity means more in-group neighbors. Therefore, separate analyses were conducted by ethnoracial groups. Only for whites does living among out-group members--not in diverse communities per se--negatively predict trust.

The number of Americans dying from drug overdoses has risen rapidly, but the contribution of nonopioid drugs to this growth is not well understood. Using vital statistics data from the universe of deaths among US residents in the period 1999-2016, I calculated levels of and increases in overall nonopioid fatal overdose rates and those for subgroups stratified by manner of death, sex, race/ethnicity, and age. Mortality rates were also calculated separately for sedatives, stimulants, antidepressants, and cocaine. Recently developed methods were used to correct for the incomplete reporting of drug involvement on death certificates. From 1999 to 2016 the number of nonopioid drug deaths rose 274 percent, and deaths per 100,000 population rose by 223 percent. Over the same period, opioid-involved fatality counts and rates grew by 371 percent and 307 percent, respectively. Fatal overdose rates involving stimulants increased more than tenfold, with slower growth but higher rates for deaths involving sedatives and cocaine. Midlife non-Hispanic whites generally experienced the highest levels and rise in nonopioid death rates, but cocaine fatality rates were particularly common among nonwhite or Hispanic males ages 40-59. Policies designed to curb the opioid epidemic are probably helpful in reducing nonopioid deaths, but targeted interventions may also be needed.

Much of the current health disparities literature fails to account for the fact that the nation is largely segregated, leaving racial groups exposed to different health risks and with variable access to health services based on where they live. We sought to determine if racial health disparities typically reported in national studies remain the same when black and white Americans live in integrated settings. Focusing on a racially integrated, low-income neighborhood of Southwest Baltimore, Maryland, we found that nationally reported disparities in hypertension, diabetes, obesity among women, and use of health services either vanished or substantially narrowed. The sole exception was smoking: We found that white residents were more likely than black residents to smoke, underscoring the higher rates of ill health in whites in the Baltimore sample than seen in national data. As a result, we concluded that racial differences in social environments explain a meaningful portion of disparities typically found in national data. We further concluded that when social factors are equalized, racial disparities are minimized. Policies aimed solely at health behavior change, biological differences among racial groups, or increased access to health care are limited in their ability to close racial disparities in health. Such policies must address the differing resources of neighborhoods and must aim to improve the underlying conditions of health for all.

The literature on social capital and entrepreneurship often explores individual benefits of social capital, such as the role of personal networks in promoting self-employment. In this article, we instead examine social capital's public good aspects, arguing that the benefits of social trust and organization memberships accrue not just to the individual but to the community at large. We test these arguments using individual data from the 2000 Census that have been merged with two community surveys, the Social Capital Benchmark Survey and the General Social Survey. We find that individuals in communities with high levels of social trust are more likely to be self-employed compared to individuals in communities with lower levels of social trust. Additionally, membership in organizations connected to the larger community is associated with higher levels of self-employment, but membership in isolated organizations that lack connections to the larger community is associated with lower levels of self-employment. Further analysis suggests that the entrepreneurship-enhancing effects of community social capital are stronger for whites, native-born residents, and long-term community members than for minorities, immigrants, and recent entrants.