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Car-deficit households: determinants and implications for household travel in the U.S
Car-deficit households: determinants and implications for household travel in the U.S
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Car-deficit households: determinants and implications for household travel in the U.S
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Car-deficit households: determinants and implications for household travel in the U.S
Car-deficit households: determinants and implications for household travel in the U.S

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Car-deficit households: determinants and implications for household travel in the U.S
Car-deficit households: determinants and implications for household travel in the U.S
Journal Article

Car-deficit households: determinants and implications for household travel in the U.S

2020
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Overview
In the U.S., households with less than one car per driver (auto-deficit households) are more than twice as common as zero-vehicle households. Yet we know very little about these households and their travel behavior. In this study, therefore, we examine whether car deficits, like carlessness, are largely a result of financial constraint or of other factors such as built environment characteristics, household structure, or household resources. We then analyze the mobility outcomes of car-deficit households compared to the severely restricted mobility of carless households and the largely uninhibited movement of fully-equipped households, households with at least one car per driver. Data from the California Household Travel Survey show that car-deficit households are different than fully-equipped households. They have different household characteristics, travel less, and are more likely to use public transit. While many auto-deficit households have incomes that presumably enable them to successfully manage with fewer cars than adults, low-income auto-deficit households are—by definition—income constrained. Our analysis suggests that low-income car-deficit households manage their travel needs by carefully negotiating the use of household vehicles. In so doing, they travel far more than carless households and use their household vehicles almost as much as low-income households with at least one car per driver. These results suggest that the mobility benefits of having at least one car per driver are more limited than we had anticipated. Results also indicate the importance of transportation and employment programs to ease the potential difficulties associated with sharing cars among household drivers.