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The lockdown of schools in Spain to confront the effects of COVID-19 caused an enormous impact at both societal and educational levels. Schools and families had to react rapidly to a new teaching and learning scenario without the benefit of previous planning or government guidelines. In this context, some schools were better able to adapt to the new circumstances than others. Likewise, the structure and size of families’ economic, social and cultural capital produced significant differences in the learning opportunities for children from different backgrounds. This article assesses the impact of the school lockdown on the learning gap between children from different social backgrounds in Catalonia. Based on 35,419 responses to an online survey administered between 26 and 30 March 2020 to families with children aged between 3 and 18, the authors’analysis shows that learning opportunities varied significantly. Middle-class families were able to maintain higher standards of education quality in a critical context, while children from socially disadvantaged families had few learning opportunities both in terms of time and learning experiences (schoolwork and maintenance of after-school activities). Results differed by type of school (public/private) where students were enrolled, family economic, social and cultural capital, and family living conditions. In the final part of the article, the authors highlight the importance of the role of the school in ensuring learning opportunities for children from low socioeconomic backgrounds, and they discuss some policy implications of their findings. L’impact du confinement sur les écarts en matière d’apprentissage : disparités familiales et scolaires en période de crise – La fermeture des écoles en Espagne durant le confinement pour faire face aux effets de la COVID-19 a eu d’immenses répercussions sur les plans sociétal et éducatif. Les écoles et les familles ont rapidement réagi au nouveau scénario de l’enseignement et de l’apprentissage sans pouvoir s’appuyer sur une planification préalable ou des directives gouvernementales. Dans ce contexte, certaines écoles ont réussi mieux que d’autres à s’adapter à ces nouvelles circonstances. De même, la structure et la taille du capital économique, social et culturel des familles a montré qu’en fonction de leur milieu, les enfants avaient des possibilités d’apprendre très inégales. Cet article évalue l’impact de la fermeture des écoles en Espagne durant le confinement sur les écarts en matière d’apprentissage chez des enfants de différents milieux sociaux en Catalogne. S’appuyant sur 35 419 réponses à une enquête en ligne menée entre le 26 et le 30 mars 2020 auprès de familles avec des enfants âgés de trois à dix-huit ans, l’analyse des auteurs révèle de considérables disparités concernant les possibilités d’apprendre. Les familles de la classe moyenne ont réussi à maintenir un niveau d’éducation élevé dans cette situation critique, tandis que dans les familles défavorisées sur le plan social, les possibilités des enfants étaient restreintes, tant en termes de temps que d’expériences éducatives (devoirs et maintien d’activités extrascolaires). Les résultats étaient différents en fonction du type d’établissement (public/privé) où les élèves étaient inscrits, de la situation économique de la famille, du capital social et culturel de cette dernière et de ses conditions de vie. Dans la dernière partie de l’article, les auteurs soulignent l’importance du rôle de l’école pour garantir la possibilité d’apprendre aux enfants de milieux socioé-conomiquement faibles. Ils abordent en outre un certain nombre de conséquences qu’entraînent leurs constatations pour les politiques en matière d’éducation. El impacto del cierre escolar en la brecha de aprendizaje: divisiones familiares y escolares en tiempos de crisis – El cierre de escuelas en España para hacer frente a los efectos de la COVID-19 causó un enorme impacto tanto a nivel social como educativo. Escuelas y familias tuvieron que reaccionar rápidamente a un nuevo escenario de enseñanza y aprendizaje sin contar con planificación previa o con directrices gubernamentales. En este contexto, algunas escuelas fueron capaces de adaptarse mejor a las nuevas circunstancias que otras. Asimismo, la estructura y el tamaño del capital económico, social y cultural de las familias produjeron diferencias significativas en las oportunidades de aprendizaje de los niños y niñas de diferentes orígenes. Este artículo evalúa el impacto del cierre de las escuelas en la brecha de aprendizaje entre el alumnado de diferentes orígenes sociales en Cataluña. Sobre la base de 35.419 respuestas a una encuesta en línea realizada entre el 26 y el 30 de marzo de 2020 a familias con hijos e hijas de entre 3 y 18 años, el análisis muestra que las oportunidades de aprendizaje varían significativamente. Las familias de clase media pudieron mantener niveles más altos de calidad educativa en un contexto crítico, mientras que los niños de familias socialmente desfavorecidas tuvieron pocas oportunidades de aprendizaje, tanto en términos de tiempo como de experiencias de aprendizaje (tareas escolares y mantenimiento de las actividades extraescolares). Los resultados difieren según el tipo de escuela (pública o privada) en que estaban matriculados los estudiantes, el capital económico, social y cultural de la familia y sus condiciones de vida. En la parte final del artículo, se destaca la importancia del papel de la escuela para garantizar las oportunidades de aprendizaje de los niños procedentes de entornos socioeconómicos bajos, y se examinan algunas de las repercusiones en clave de política educativa.

This article examines the dynamics of the relationship between residential and school segregation in Barcelona. The analysis explores which educational and non-educational drivers foster the school segregation of foreign students between the city’s neighbourhoods. The article also analyses to what extent the particularities of Barcelona’s admissions policy, which combines catchment areas with high levels of school choice, generate specific mechanisms of contextually bound school segregation within the local education market. The results confirm that residential segregation and educational segregation are two interrelated phenomena in Barcelona. In addition, the supply of publicly subsidised private schooling in the neighbourhoods is a main factor driving both educational segregation and isolation, especially in those neighbourhoods with a high concentration of foreign pupils. Based on the results, the article elaborates on the challenges for local education policymaking to address the dynamics of school segregation in urban spaces. 本文考察了巴塞罗那居住区和学校隔离之间的动态关系。我们的分析探讨了哪些教育和非教育驱动因素助长了该市居民区之间的外国学生学校隔离。文章还分析了巴塞罗那招生政策的特殊性（即学区制度和高水平的学校选择的结合）在多大程度上在当地教育市场中产生了与背景相关的学校隔离的具体机制。研究结果证实，在巴塞罗那，居住隔离和教育隔离是两种相互关联的现象。此外，街区公共补贴私立学校的供应是造成教育隔离和孤立的主要因素，特别是在外国学生高度集中的街区。基于此等研究结果，文章阐述了地方教育政策制定在应对城市空间学校隔离动态方面面临的挑战。

The World Bank and Education: Critiques and Alternatives represents a powerful challenge to World Bank proposals. Probing core issues--equity, quality, finance, privatization, teaching and learning, gender, and human rights--highlights the disabilities of neoliberal globalization. The authors demonstrate the ideological nature of the evidence marshaled by the World Bank and the accompanying policy advice.

In the context of globalisation and hegemonic neoliberalism, the state's ability to legitimate the economic system and its own policies cannot be assumed as a positive automatic effect. The economic and political conditions that once framed state action have changed, and it is reasonable to think that the emergence of a new accumulation regime implies also a shift in the traditional strategies used by the nation-state to legitimate its policy-making. This paper reviews how the neoliberal educational agenda develops a new political rationality that changes the traditional forms in which the state has managed its legitimation crisis. In addition, the paper argues that context-based factors, nationally specific, show that this political rationality may not be uniformly applied among different nation-states. The case of semiperipheral countries provides some evidence on the necessary combination of old and new strategies developed by the state to legitimate a neoliberal agenda.

The superiority of market mechanisms in educational provision is a premise that has received renewed emphasis under the regime of public-private partnerships (PPPs). The central idea of PPPs—enthusiastically embraced by a range of international organizations, development agencies and scholars—is grounded in the assumption that competition between public and private schools is an effective means of promoting education quality and efficiency. PPP policy frameworks are expected to establish genuine market dynamics in which suppliers innovate and boost the quality of their education services as a way to attract families, who are portrayed as benefit maximizers and well-informed consumers. The application of these market ideas to education, however, has suffered from a series of modifications and failures under real world conditions. This study is based on the case of Chile—the most market-oriented education system in the world—and examines how few of the taken-for-granted benefits of market-oriented provision either have been or can be fulfilled, due to the nature of the supply structure and to the effects of agents’ expectations and behaviors. La supériorité des mécanismes de marché dans le système éducatif est un postulat qui a de nouveau été mis en avant dans le cadre du régime des partenariats public-privé (PPP). L’idée centrale des PPP (adoptés avec enthousiasme par un grand nombre d’organisations internationales, d’organismes de développement et de spécialistes) est fondée sur l’hypothèse que la concurrence entre les écoles publiques et privées constitue une manière efficace de promouvoir la qualité et l’efficacité de l’éducation. Les cadres politiques des PPP doivent établir une véritable dynamique de marché, dans laquelle les prestataires innovent et stimulent la qualité de leurs services éducatifs afin d’attirer les familles, qui sont dépeintes comme des consommateurs bien informés, soucieux de maximiser leurs avantages. Néanmoins, l’application de ces idées de marché à l’enseignement a subi un ensemble de modifications et d’échecs dans le monde réel. Cette étude se base sur le cas du Chili (qui possède le système éducatif le plus tourné vers le marché au monde) et examine comment quelques avantages tenus pour acquis d’une prestation orientée vers le marché ont été ou peuvent être obtenus, en raison de la nature de la structure de prestation et des effets liés aux attentes et aux comportements des agents. La superioridad de los mecanismos de mercado en la oferta educativa es una premisa que ha recibido un énfasis renovado bajo el régimen de las asociaciones público-privadas (PPP, por sus siglas en inglés). La idea central de las PPP, adoptada con entusiasmo por un conjunto de organizaciones internacionales, agencias de desarrollo y académicos, se basa en el supuesto de que la competencia entre las escuelas públicas y las privadas es un medio efectivo para promover la equidad y eficiencia de la educación. Se espera que los marcos normativos de la PPP establezcan una dinámica de mercado auténtica en la cual los proveedores innoven e impulsen la calidad de sus servicios educativos como forma de atraer a las familias, que son presentadas como potenciadores de los beneficios y consumidores bien informados. No obstante, la aplicación de estas ideas de mercado a la educación se ha visto afectada negativamente por una serie de modificaciones y fracasos bajo las condiciones del mundo real. Este estudio se basa en el caso de Chile, el sistema educativo más orientado al mercado en el mundo, y analiza cómo pocos de los beneficios que damos por sentado de las ofertas orientadas al mercado han sido o pueden ser cumplidos, debido a la naturaleza de la estructura del suministro y a los efectos de las expectativas y el comportamiento de los agentes. 在提供教育上，市场机制的优越性是一个前提条件，已经在公私合作（PPP）体制下再次得到重视。 PPP 的核心思想受到众多国际组织、发展机构和学者热烈拥护，其是基于如下假设：公立学校与私立学校之间的竞争关系是提高教育质量和效率的有效手段。 PPP 政策框架被认为可建立真正的市场动态，教育提供方创新教育服务及提高教育质量，以此吸引家庭，家庭被视为极其看中效益且消息灵通的消费者。 但是，在现实条件下，教育市场化观念的应用已经历一系列调整和失败。 本项研究的案例是智利--世界范围内教育体系最以市场为导向的国家，并探讨了由于供应结构的性质和机构期望及行为的影响，本应是理所当然的教育市场化所能带来的优势极少得以实现或者极少能够实现。 تفوق آليات السوق في توفير التعليم هو مقدمة منطقية تلقت تأكيدًا مجددًا بموجب نظام الشراكة بين القطاعين العام والخاص التي تبناها بحماس مجموعة من (PPPs) . وتقوم الفكرة المركزية لنظام الشراكة بين القطاعين العام والخاص (PPPs) المنظمات الدولية ووكالات التنمية والعلماء على افتراض أن المنافسة بين المدارس الحكومية والخاصة وسيلة فعالة لتعزيز بإنشاء ديناميات سوق (PPP) جودة التعليم والكفاءة. ومن المتوقع أن تقوم أطر سياسة الشراكة بين القطاعين العام والخاص حقيقية يقوم فيها الموردون بابتكار وتعزيز جودة خدماتهم التعليمية كوسيلة لجذب العائلات الذين يجري تصويرهم بأنهم يحققون أقصى فائدة وبأنهم مستهلكون مطلعون. ومع ذلك فإن محاولات تطبيق أفكار السوق هذه في التعليم، عانت من سلسلة من التعديلات والفشل في ظل ظروف العالم الحقيقي. وتقوم هذه الدراسة على حالة تشيلي أكبر نظام تعليم موجه نحو السوق في العالم وتتناول كيفية الوفاء بقليل المزايا المأخوذة الموجهة للسوق لطبيعة هيكل العرض وآثار توقعات الوكلاء والسلوكيات. Концепция важности рыночных механизмов для образования получила новое рождение в рамках государственно-частного партнерства (ГЧП). Главная идея ГЧП, которую с восторгом восприняли международные организации, агентства по вопросам развития и ученые, основана на предположении о том, что конкуренция между государственными и частными учебными заведениями положительно влияет на качество и эффективность образования. Политика ГЧП должна придать рынку подлинную динамику, при которой поставщики с помощью инноваций и повышения качества образовательных услуг будут привлекать те семьи, которые стремятся получить максимум привилегий и знают свои потребительские права и интересы. Однако после применения в образовании эти рыночные концепции претерпели некоторые изменения и не сработали в реальных условиях. Данное исследование основано на ситуации в Чили, где образовательная система больше всех в мире ориентирована на рынок. Оно демонстрирует, что очень небольшое количество из считавшихся безусловными преимуществ рыночно-ориентированных образовательных услуг было или может быть реализовано. Причиной этому является структура предложения и результаты ожиданий и поведения исполнителей.

This article explores how different ways of experiencing poverty affect the possibilities of poor children to make the most of their education. The study uses the concept of conditions of educability to reflect how the different dimensions of the experience of poverty facilitate or hinder the success of educational practices and the learning of poor students. In the first part of the article, the concept of conditions of educability is discussed in relation to the notions of capabilities and functionings, and a framework to investigate conditions of educability is presented. The second part of the article is based on the results of a study conducted in Belo Horizonte, the capital of the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil. Through an analysis of interviews conducted with students, families and teachers, the different dimensions of the social experience of the children who inhabit the favelas are described. Two cases are presented and discussed as analytical examples of the conditions of educability of poor children. The last section of the article assesses some of the consequences of conditions of educability for the policy debate.

Federal and highly decentralized political systems open different spaces to interpret, adapt, and enact international policy trends and ideas within the same territory. Spain, a country with a highly decentralized educational system and contentious territorial politics, is a very suitable case to analyze these dynamics. Spain and its different regions have not been immune to the influence of global policy ideas that gear around promoting private provision, school choice, and New Public Management (NPM) in education. However, the consolidation of the decentralization project, together with the fact that many regional governments have aimed to construct, for a variety of reasons, singular political profiles, have resulted in markedly different policy trajectories. To show this, this article pays particular attention to recent changes in the educational governance arrangements of two important Spanish regions, Madrid and Catalonia, as they have gone through differentiated processes of educational reform. Albeit the two regional education systems share important features (such as a historical and wide-scale public-private partnership for school provision), they have engaged with, combined, and mobilized exogenous and endogenous privatization policy ideas in remarkably different ways. The article delves into the political drivers behind this policy differentiation process by paying special attention to the relations of coordination, conflict, and competition that prevail within an incomplete federal system, such as the Spanish one.

In recent years, the Civil Society Education Fund has supported national education civil society coalitions (NECs) in low-income countries so that they put pressure on governments and donors to implement the Education for All agenda and the Millennium Development Goal on education. This article draws on literature on global governance as well as on an extensive evaluation of the CSEF to explore the actual contribution of this initiative to the activity of NECs. The article highlights the achievements and shortcomings of the CSEF and includes a set of practical recommendations on the role of global civil society in international development processes.

In the conclusion of the article, the authors write: \"In this analysis, ... first, we sought to move the analysis of globalization and education forward by introducing a series of concepts - fixity and motion of capital, space, scale, and territorialization - that we believe give greater purchase on this complex process of change in the governance of education through the WTO-GATS process. Further, we argued that identifying key political and economic actors like the WTO as subjects of globalization and examining the mechanisms through which they both exert power and respond to pressures moves us away from the ideological appropriations of globalization. ... Examining the politics of rescaling and the emergence of the WTO as a global actor (and the mechanisms like GATS through which rescaling works on national territories and education systems) enables us to see how education systems are both offered as a new service to trade in the global economy and pressured into responding to the logic of free trade globally. We are also able to see processes of territorialization at work, particularly through the way in which particular countries have been very powerful in promoting liberalization in ways that suit their own interests. We have argued that the WTO becomes a site where powerful countries are able to dominate and shape the rules of the game, and in a global economy some countries increasingly view opening up their education systems to the global marketplace as a means of attrracting foreign investment. ...\" (DIPF/ Orig.)