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Campaigns are central to the practice of modern democracy and integral to political participation in the twenty-first century. In Winning Power, Tom Flanagan draws on decades of experience teaching political science and managing political campaigns to inform readers about what goes on behind the scenes.While the goal of political campaigning - using persuasion to build a winning coalition - remains constant, the means of achieving that goal are always changing. Flanagan dissects the effects of recent changes in financial regulation and grassroots fundraising, the advent of the \"permanent campaign,\" as well as the increase in negative advertising. He pulls these themes together to show how tactics are employed at specific points in a campaign by providing a firsthand account of his management of the Wildrose Party campaign in Alberta's 2012 provincial election. Lifting the veil of campaign secrecy, he provides a candid account of the successes and mistakes the newly formed party made in an election that nearly toppled the four-decade-long dynasty of Alberta's Progressive Conservatives. Modeling its campaign on the 2006 campaign that brought Stephen Harper to 24 Sussex Drive, Wildrose combined grassroots fundraising, an innovative platform that reached out to its electoral coalition, a carefully scripted leader's tour, as well as negative and positive advertising in the race towards leadership. Success for the party seemed within reach until breakdowns in message discipline in the campaign's final week caused the Wildrose tide to ebb.Citing diverse sources such as game theory, evolutionary psychology, and Aristotelian rhetoric, Flanagan explores the timeless aspects of campaigning and emphasizes new strategies of coalition-building. For future campaigners, Winning Power provides textbook illustrations of what does and doesn't work.

Campaigns are central to the practice of modern democracy and integral to political participation in the twenty-first century. In Winning Power, Tom Flanagan draws on decades of experience teaching political science and managing political campaigns to inform readers about what goes on behind the scenes. While the goal of political campaigning - using persuasion to build a winning coalition - remains constant, the means of achieving that goal are always changing. Flanagan dissects the effects of recent changes in financial regulation and grassroots fundraising, the advent of the \"permanent campaign,\" as well as the increase in negative advertising. He pulls these themes together to show how tactics are employed at specific points in a campaign by providing a firsthand account of his management of the Wildrose Party campaign in Alberta's 2012 provincial election. Lifting the veil of campaign secrecy, he provides a candid account of the successes and mistakes the newly formed party made in an election that nearly toppled the four-decade-long dynasty of Alberta's Progressive Conservatives. Modeling its campaign on the 2006 campaign that brought Stephen Harper to 24 Sussex Drive, Wildrose combined grassroots fundraising, an innovative platform that reached out to its electoral coalition, a carefully scripted leader’s tour, as well as negative and positive advertising in the race towards leadership. Success for the party seemed within reach until breakdowns in message discipline in the campaign’s final week caused the Wildrose tide to ebb. Citing diverse sources such as game theory, evolutionary psychology, and Aristotelian rhetoric, Flanagan explores the timeless aspects of campaigning and emphasizes new strategies of coalition-building. For future campaigners, Winning Power provides textbook illustrations of what does and doesn't work.

The purpose of this paper is to share the experience of the development of Technology Transfer in Ireland from the perspective of a Technology Transfer Director who set up the first Tech Transfer Office (TTO) in the Dublin Institute of Technology (DIT) in 2007, just as Ireland was about to enter an economic downturn and later set up TTOs in five other Institutes in Dublin as Ireland began its recovery. Despite the downturn in the economy and the slow recovery over the last decade, the Technology Transfer ecosystem in Ireland has flourished. This paper presents what has been learned over the decade that may be beneficial to others who are about to embark on a similar journey. It also hypothesizes on how the ecosystem is likely to continue to evolve into the future.

The authors not only investigate the current forms of property rights on reservations but also expose the limitations of each system, showing that customary rights are insecure, certificates of possession cannot be sold outside the First Nation, and leases are temporary. As well, analysis of legislation, court decisions, and economic reports reveals that current land management has led to unnecessary economic losses. The authors propose creation of a First Nations Property Ownership Act that would make it possible for First Nations to take over full ownership of reserve lands from the Crown, arguing that permitting private property on reserves would provide increased economic advantages. An engaging and well-reasoned book, Beyond the Indian Act is a bold argument for a new system that could improve the quality of life for First Nations people in communities across the country.

La position du Canada, telle qu'elle a été énoncée par la Cour Suprême et par le Parlement dans la Loi sur la clarté référendaire, est substantiellement différente: le Québec peut se séparer du Canada seulement par des procédures constitutionnelles, qui nécessitent l'approbation du Parlement et des législatures provinciales. De ce point de vue, le Québec peut être sociologiquement différent du reste du Canada, mais il n'est pas une nation souveraine. Ceci était l'intention de la motion introduite par le premier ministre [Stephen Harper] et adoptée par la Chambre des Communes en 2006 : «That this House recognize that the Québécois form a nation within a united Canada /Que cette Chambre reconnaisse que les Québécoises et les Québécois forment une nation au sein d'un Canada uni. » Ainsi, «tout est paisible du côté du Québec» en ce moment. La plupart des Québécois ont commencé à se définir comme une nation, autant au niveau politique que culturel, mais ils ne font pas avancer ce dossier pour le moment présent. La plupart des Canadiens sont prêts à considérer les Québécois comme étant une nation du point de vue social ou culturel, mais non pas en tant que nation politique qui pourrait unilatéralement se séparer du Canada. Pendant ce temps, la rhétorique du nationalisme, ainsi que les menaces de séparation, a rendu le fédéralisme profitable pour le Québec. L'avantage le plus important est le programme de péréquation, dont le Québec est le principal bénéficiaire. Le Québec a été capable de s'approprier « la monnaie des sots ». La rhétorique du nationalisme autochtone a eu plusieurs conséquences pratiques, cependant, c'est le mot «première» qui est particulièrement lucratif. Depuis environ 1990. la Cour suprême du Canada développe une nouvelle doctrine sur les droits des autochtones et leur titre, de laquelle la conséquence la plus pratique a été jusqu'ici 1'« obligation de consulter» qui est imposée aux gouvernements avant que ceux-ci ne donnent le feu vert à des projets d'exploitation de ressources naturelles sur les «territoires traditionnels» mais définis des [Premi]ères Nations. L'obligation de consulter est un outil de négociation important pour les dirigeants autochtones puisqu'elle leur accorde presque un droit de véto de facto, bien qu'elle ne soit pas tout à fait de jure. D'un point de vue positif, l'obligation de consulter a mené à nombreuses ententes sur les «impacts et les bénéfices» qui ont donné un rôle profitable aux Premières Nations dans le développement des ressources, notamment à travers le développement d'emplois et de formations à l'emploi. de contrats de services, et de gains monétaires. D'un point de vue négatif, le processus de développement des ressources en entier a été ralenti et le développement de plusieurs oléoducs et de routes frontalières a été bloqué. En effet, la lenteur du développement, dans lequel l'obligation de consulter est un facteur important, peut encore empêcher le Canada d'entrer dans l'exportation de gaz naturel liquéfié, en dépit de ses avantages économiques et environnementaux évidents.

Little has been written about the use of branding by Canadian political parties. We draw on interviews with 30 party elites to document the branding of the Conservative party of Canada from 2003 to 2006. We disclose that preparations to re-brand the Canadian Alliance party were subsumed into the new party and that the colour of the maple leaf in the Conservative logo was a contentious topic because of its political symbolism. We conclude that partisans' attachment to colours and the use of negative advertising constitute important differences between the practice of branding in the political and business spheres. Résumé. Fort peu d'écrits ont été consacrés au processus de développement d'images de marque (ou branding) par les partis politiques canadiens. Cet article présente des données tirées d'entrevues réalisées auprès de 30 dirigeants et stratèges du Parti conservateur du Canada sur cette question entre 2003 et 2006. Les entretiens révèlent que les préparatifs menant au repositionnement de l'image de l'Alliance canadienne ont mené à la création de la nouvelle formation et qu'un débat important sur l'arrimage chromatique de la feuille d'érable présente dans le nouveau logo conservateur a secoué le parti en raison de sa symbolique politique. En conclusion, nous posons que l'identité partisane liée à certaines couleurs et le recours à la publicité négative représentent des différences notables dans l'exercice de développement d'images de marque entre les sphères politiques et commerciales.

The Conservative government has repeatedly announced its desire to cancel the quarterly allowances paid by Elections Canada to political parties.  In this paper, we examine alternative party finance mechanisms to cope with the revenue loss caused by eliminating the quarterly allowances. American data suggest that introduction of a taxpayer check-off system, as proposed in the 2004 Conservative Party platform, would replace only a small fraction of the revenue lost by cancelling the allowances. Canadian data show that increasing donor limits would also have only a small positive impact. Cancelling the allowances will definitely constrain parties and may force them to limit campaign activities.

The Conservative government has repeatedly announced its desire to cancel the quarterly allowances paid by Elections Canada to political parties.  In this paper, we examine alternative party finance mechanisms to cope with the revenue loss caused by eliminating the quarterly allowances. American data suggest that introduction of a taxpayer check-off system, as proposed in the 2004 Conservative Party platform, would replace only a small fraction of the revenue lost by cancelling the allowances. Canadian data show that increasing donor limits would also have only a small positive impact. Cancelling the allowances will definitely constrain parties and may force them to limit campaign activities.

The Conservative government has repeatedly announced its desire to cancel the quarterly allowances paid by Elections Canada to political parties. In this paper, we examine alternative party finance mechanisms to cope with the revenue loss caused by eliminating the quarterly allowances. American data suggest that introduction of a taxpayer check-off system, as proposed in the 2004 Conservative Party platform, would replace only a small fraction of the revenue lost by cancelling the allowances. Canadian data show that increasing donor limits would also have only a small positive impact. Cancelling the allowances will definitely constrain parties and may force them to limit campaign activities.