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States in the Global South have consistently invested in large-scale, vanity infrastructure projects, which are often not used by the majority of their residents. Using a mixed-method and comparative approach with findings from Greater Maputo, Mozambique, and the Gauteng City-Region exposes how internationally-supported and expensive transport projects do not meet the needs of lower-income urban residents, and meanwhile, widespread, everyday modes of commuting such as trains, paratransit, and pathways for walking deteriorate. State-led development thus often generates an infrastructural landscape characterised by “ruin” and “indifference.” These choices are anachronistic, steeped in a desire for a modernist-inspired future and in establishing narratives of control. In the cases of Gauteng and Maputo, whether or not the infrastructure is “successfully” implemented, these choices have resulted in a distancing of the state from the majority of urban residents.

In South Africa, recent initiatives to restructure cities towards greater compaction and integration include the formulation of an inclusionary housing policy, where private property developers are expected to offer some affordable housing in their developments. This paper examines policy and practice in the City of Johannesburg where an inclusionary housing policy is intended to work together with a growth management strategy to direct infrastructural investment. However the policy has hardly been used. The paper examines the policy and its development, initiatives to use it, and the challenges it faces. Key constraints include: resistance by the property development industry and middle/upper-income residents; South Africa's huge income inequalities and hence housing price cliffs; and institutional and legal issues. These concerns have in part underpinned the lack of supportive national policy. In this context, local policies have been confined to specific, deal-driven projects, but these have also been fraught with problems, and have delivered few affordable units. The potential of inclusionary housing policy for reshaping South African cities therefore seems limited, although it could play a small role if national policy with careful attention to implementation were formulated. An alternative form of mixed income developer-led housing seems to have greater potential, although it is focused on low/middle-income housing and relies to a significant extent on government subsidies, in contrast to inclusionary housing proper.

La portion ouest de la ceinture de platine d’Afrique du Sud a été le site de conflits intenses et violents. Comprendre ces conflits n’est cependant pas chose facile, car ils sont tributaires de multiples variables, dont certaines comportent des processus communs à toutes les régions minières, alors que d’autres sont profondément contextuelles. Cet article démontre qu’une structure complexe de revendications territoriales, ainsi qu’un ensemble de pressions de peuplement et de relations avec l’espace ont considérablement contribué à générer des conflits. Comprendre le lien entre le territoire, les relations spatiales et les conflits requiert un examen à diverses échelles. À ce titre, la première partie de cet article fournit le contexte macro, détaillant les débuts de l’occupation et du peuplement du territoire, le développement de l’industrie minière, et les répercussions de l’exploitation minière sur le peuplement. La seconde partie s’attarde à la mésoéchelle, offrant trois brèves études de cas (des colonies de Ledig, Chaneng et Freedom Park) qui illustrent diverses dimensions des conflits liés au territoire et à l’espace. The Western Limb of South Africa’s Platinum Belt has been a site of intense and violent conflict, however, understanding the conflict is not a simple task as there are multiple intersecting variables, some of which involve processes that are common across mining regions but some which are deeply contextual. This article demonstrates that a complex layering of claims to land, as well as a set of settlement pressures and spatial relationships that have contributed significantly to the generation of conflict. To understand the nexus between land, spatial relationships and conflict requires working across scales. As such, the first part of this article provides the macro context, outlining the early history of land occupation and settlement, the development of the mining industry, and the impact of mining on settlement. The second part extends down to the meso-scale, providing three brief case-studies (of the settlements of Ledig, Chaneng and Freedom Park) which illustrate different dimensions of land- and space-related conflict.

As the dynamo of South Africa’s economy, Johannesburg commands a central position in the nation’s imagination, and scholars throughout the world monitor the city as an exemplar of urbanity in the global South. This richly illustrated study offers detailed empirical analyses of changes in the city’s physical space, as well as a host of chapters on the character of specific neighbourhoods and the social identities being forged within them. Informing all of these is a consideration of underlying economic, social and political processes shaping the wider Gauteng region. A mix of respected academics, practising urban planners and experienced policymakers offer compelling overviews of the rapid and complex spatial developments that have taken place in Johannesburg since the end of apartheid, along with tantalising glimpses into life on the streets and behind the high walls of this diverse city. The book has three sections. Section A provides an overview of macro spatial trends and the policies that have infl uenced them. Section B explores the shaping of the city at district and suburban level, revealing the peculiarity of processes in different areas. This analysis elucidates thelarger trends, while identifying shifts that are not easily detected at the macro level. Section C is an assembly of chapters and short vignettes that focus on the interweaving of place and identity at a micro level. With empirical data supported by new data sets including the 2011 Census, the city’s Development Planning and Urban Management Department’s information system, and Gauteng City-Region Observatory’s substantial archive, the book is an essential reference for planning practitioners, urban geographers, sociologists, and social anthropologists, among others.

Claimants recently have begun to use Section 3604(c) of the Fair Housing Act of 1968 (Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act of 1968) more extensively. Issues emerging in the cases are: 1. whether plaintiffs must provide proof of discriminatory intent to establish a Section 3604(c) violation, and 2. how to establish that a given human model advertising campaign indicates a racial preference. In one case, the court held that plaintiffs need not establish that the defendants intended to express a racial preference. The language of Section 3604(c) does not expressly state whether a showing of intent is necessary, but both the terms of Section 3604(c) and the broad interpretation that the Supreme Court has given to Fair Housing Act claims suggest that no showing of intent is necessary. A review of related case law involving Section 3604 generally and Sections 3604(a) and 3604(b) in particular supports the argument that no showing of discriminatory purpose is required. The discriminatory nature of advertisements showing virtually all white models is consonant with the wide range of behavior that the courts have come to recognize as discriminatory.

The City of Johannesburg has invested heavily in the formalisation of street trading within the inner city. They have supplied traders with stalls from which to work and, through rental and permit schemes, have secured their tenure, thus largely freeing them from police harassment. Counter to the formalised street traders, who are mostly South African women, are ‘illegal’ traders, the majority of whom are young, male and foreign, who operate within the same areas but without secure tenure or permanent stands, and as a result, face constant police harassment. This study builds on reports by Mitullah (2003) and Tissington (2009), which described clear distinctions between legal and illegal street traders in the ways that they operate and use space, and also identified tensions between the two groups. We highlight some of the same themes but then look at how legal status affects traders’ profitability and the tactics that some use to compensate for their lack of legality and to generate profit. We present a brief description of the evolution of street trading policy in order to provide a context for informal traders in contemporary Johannesburg. We then refer to the findings of an exploratory study conducted in 2010 on street traders selling vegetables and fruits along Noord Street in inner-city Johannesburg, to demonstrate the intersections between legality, spatial and social practice as well as the tensions that have risen as a result of the current policy and by-laws.A brief background on street tradingThe history of informal-sector policy in South Africa reflects a profound ambivalence towards informality, alternating between reformist notions of street trading that view this sector as a viable alternative for people to make a living, and modernist planning that regards street trading as unacceptable within ‘modern’ cities (Bantubonse 2008). The apartheid state initially took a zero tolerance approach to street trading but by the 1970s it was apparent that management and control were more realistic options. Under the Licensing and Business Hours Ordinance 11 of 1973, traders were allowed to operate in certain areas and at certain times provided that they paid a levy to the city council (Karumbidza 2011). During the 1980s many of the regulations of the apartheid state fell away, either intentionally or through a loss of control, resulting in a massive growth of the informal sector.

It is certainly the case that the host cities talk of the 2010 ‘legacy’, anticipating that the greater benefit of hosting 2010 matches will lie less in the event itself than in the longterm benefits of transport, sports and other infrastructure investment and the image created of the cities as a destination for tourists and investment.– Udesh Pillay quoted in Sindane, 2006The 2010 FIFA World Cup was hailed by the South African government as an event that would leave a multitude of social and economic legacies. Sibongile Mazibuko, the executive director of the 2010 office, explained, ‘For many years to come we want to look back with pride at this great event. But even more, we want to use the experience of putting it together as a springboard to leap into the future’ (CoJ 2009: 328).The South African government wanted to ‘also use this opportunity to speed up the delivery of services and infrastructure. The investment related to the World Cup encompasses a large range of projects. These projects will leave a lasting legacy for the people of South Africa’ (GCIS n.d.: 3). However, the jury is still out on the effect of mega events, such as the Summer Olympic Games and the FIFA World Cup, on local economic activity (Sterken 2006). Barclay observes that the Summer Olympic Games can stimulate GDP but the FIFA World Cup cannot. He raises doubt as to the effectiveness of such events and goes on to say that reports ‘overestimate the gains and underestimate the costs involved’ (Barclay 2009: 62). A number of other authors have expressed concern about the potentially negative impacts of mega events, such as the possible conflicts of interest that arise (Herzenberg 2011), the capture of huge sums of money for what is essentially an elitist event (Ngonyama 2010), and the relocations that can occur (COHRE 2007).The question for South Africa is: has a legacy (positive or negative) materialised? And what are the perceptions of the residents of the various precincts who were supposed to have benefited from the World Cup? In attempting to answer these questions, we focus in this chapter on the Ellis Park Precinct (Figure 21.1) and on its residents’ perceptions of the legacy of the 2010 FIFA World Cup for them and their families.

People often speak about suburban development as if the process is inevitable, a tidal sprawl of people, buildings, and infrastructure. But of course, for suburbanization to happen, land has to be sold, subdivided, and developed. There is nothing inevitable about this, and certainly not the way in which it happens. Typically, land is developed either by public or, more commonly, through private agency, but in recent years hybrid Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) have become increasingly common. They have come in for a good deal of criticism, notably on the grounds that in effect they provide a state guarantee for private

A key objective of Johannesburg's strategic spatial planning has been to promote more compact development, limiting growth on the urban periphery. However, there has been considerable pressure for growth close to and beyond Johannesburg's defined urban development boundary (UDB), and in adjacent municipalities. Some 56 per cent of major land-use conversions from open space to other uses in Johannesburg and the area 5 km around it over the 2004–2007 period occurred within neighbouring municipalities, and significant development took place in areas close to, but still inside of, Johannesburg's UDB, especially in the north and north-west (see Figure 20.1). These trends suggest that Johannesburg increasingly needs to be seen in a broader city-region context. However, growth on Johannesburg's periphery and beyond is not merely a question of continuous incremental expansion in search of cheaper land. Rather, dynamics are complex and variable across areas, and processes of growth have been highly contested (Chipkin 2012).However, unlike other work that has focused on the periphery, particularly the northwestern edge of the city and the newly constituted ‘political relationship’ between the state and communal forms of ownership offered by sectional title units and cluster houses (Chipkin 2012), in this chapter we focus on patterns of growth in specific parts of the north-west since the 1990s, explaining the various drivers and dynamics of change. We consider the differing objectives and intentions of the City of Johannesburg and its neighbouring municipality of Mogale City, as well as of provincial authorities; the role of formal regulatory and legal processes, and of more informal political processes; the pressures by different groups of developers to allow growth beyond the UDB; the influence of environmental groups and existing residents in constraining development; responses to the growth of informal settlements; and the diverse visions for development in the area.We begin by providing an overview of development trends in the area, and then move in an arc from west to east, discussing the cases of Ruimsig, where the UDB itself has been a focus of contestation; the broader Muldersdrift area, including the Cradle of Humankind and informal and housing areas within Johannesburg, where conflicts have centred around tourism-development-conservation-nimbyism axes; and the planning for large-scale development in Lanseria.