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Deluxe Jim Crow : civil rights and American health policy, 1935-1954
\"Plagued by geographic isolation, poverty, and acute shortages of health professionals and hospital beds, the South was dubbed by Surgeon General Thomas Parran \"the nation's number one health problem.\" The improvement of southern, rural, and black health would become a top priority of the U.S. Public Health Service during the Roosevelt and Truman administrations.Karen Kruse Thomas details how NAACP lawsuits pushed southern states to equalize public services and facilities for blacks just as wartime shortages of health personnel and high rates of draft rejections generated broad support for health reform. Southern Democrats leveraged their power in Congress and used the war effort to call for federal aid to uplift the South. The language of regional uplift, Thomas contends, allowed southern liberals to aid blacks while remaining silent on race. Reformers embraced, at least initially, the notion of \"deluxe Jim Crow\"--support for health care that maintained segregation. Thomas argues that this strategy was, in certain respects, a success, building much-needed hospitals and training more black doctors.By the 1950s, deluxe Jim Crow policy had helped to weaken the legal basis for segregation. Thomas traces this transformation at the national level and in North Carolina, where \"deluxe Jim Crow reached its fullest potential.\" This dual focus allows her to examine the shifting alliances--between blacks and liberal whites, southerners and northerners, activists and doctors--that drove policy. Deluxe Jim Crow provides insight into a variety of historical debates, including the racial dimensions of state building, the nature of white southern liberalism, and the role of black professionals during the long civil rights movement\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Deluxe Jim Crow
Plagued by geographic isolation, poverty, and acute shortages of health professionals and hospital beds, the South was dubbed by Surgeon General Thomas Parran \"the nation's number one health problem.\" The improvement of southern, rural, and black health would become a top priority of the U.S. Public Health Service during the Roosevelt and Truman administrations.
Karen Kruse Thomas details how NAACP lawsuits pushed southern states to equalize public services and facilities for blacks just as wartime shortages of health personnel and high rates of draft rejections generated broad support for health reform. Southern Democrats leveraged their power in Congress and used the war effort to call for federal aid to uplift the South. The language of regional uplift, Thomas contends, allowed southern liberals to aid blacks while remaining silent on race. Reformers embraced, at least initially, the notion of \"deluxe Jim Crow\"-support for health care that maintained segregation. Thomas argues that this strategy was, in certain respects, a success, building much-needed hospitals and training more black doctors.
By the 1950s, deluxe Jim Crow policy had helped to weaken the legal basis for segregation. Thomas traces this transformation at the national level and in North Carolina, where \"deluxe Jim Crow reached its fullest potential.\" This dual focus allows her to examine the shifting alliances-between blacks and liberal whites, southerners and northerners, activists and doctors-that drove policy.Deluxe Jim Crowprovides insight into a variety of historical debates, including the racial dimensions of state building, the nature of white southern liberalism, and the role of black professionals during the long civil rights movement.
eBook
The Hill-Burton Act and Civil Rights: Expanding Hospital Care for Black Southerners, 1939-1960
Thomas posits a \"long civil rights movement\" in health care by surveying and elaborating on the historiography of Hill-Burton in the South and considering multiple factors that contributed to the expansion of hospital care for blacks and whites, particularly in underserved rural areas. She focuses mainly on the fifteen-year period from 1939, when hospital construction was first debated in Congress as part of proposals to establish a national health plan, to 1954, when the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka declared segregation unconstitutional and inherently unequal in public elementary and secondary education.
Journal Article
Dr. Jim Crow: The University of North Carolina, the Regional Medical School for Negroes, and the Desegregation of Southern Medical Education, 1945-1960
Thomas focuses on the ferment over medical education for African Americans in North Carolina bet 1945 and 1960 within the context of the campaign by the National Medical Association and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People to erase the color line in medical schools. Education, civil rights, medicine, and public policy converged in the desegregation of medical education, which allows important comparisons with the concurrent efforts to overturn institutionalized segregation in elementary, secondary, and higher education and in the federal hospital construction program initiated in 1946 by the Hill-Burton Act.
Journal Article
conclusion
The rise and fall of the ideology of equalization among both blacks and whites provided the backdrop for racial change during the era of deluxe Jim Crow. Beginning in the 1930s, the southern movement to equalize black and white schools was black-led (primarily by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People [naacp]), never secured federal funding, and garnered only lukewarm commitment at the state level from whites primarily bent on protecting segregation. Blacks, however, gave educational equalization their wholehearted support: the Louisiana Farmers’ Union, for example, endorsed the Harrison-Fletcher Bill in 1938. The Farmers’ Union agent who testified
Book Chapter
introduction
The phrasedeluxe Jim Crowwas first coined in theBaltimore Afro-Americanin 1927 to describe the first-class compartment for blacks on the Memphis Special, a train running through the heart of the segregated South. Thurgood Marshall later applied the phrase to the southern states’ attempts to shore up segregation by improving black school facilities. For the purposes of this book,deluxe Jim Crowconveys the ethical complexity and ambiguity of segregation in health policy during the Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman administrations. In 1952, medical civil rights activist and Howard University anatomy professor W. Montague Cobb employed
Book Chapter