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Narcissistic individuals are prone to become aggressive when their egos are threatened. We report a randomized field experiment that tested whether a socialpsychological intervention designed to lessen the impact of ego threat reduces narcissistic aggression. A sample of 405 young adolescents (mean age — 13.9 years) were randomly assigned to complete either a short self-affirmation writing assignment (which allowed them to reflect on their personally important values) or a control writing assignment. We expected that the self-affirmation would temporarily attenuate the ego-protective motivations that normally drive narcissists 9 aggression. As expected, the self-affirmation writing assignment reduced narcissistic aggression for a period of a school week, that is, for a period up to 400 times the duration of the intervention itself. These results provide the first empirical demonstration that buttressing self-esteem (as opposed to boosting self-esteem) can be effective at reducing aggression in at-risk youth.

A meta-analytic review was conducted to explain divergent findings on the relation between children's aggressive behavior and hostile attribution of intent to peers. Forty-one studies with 6,017 participants were included in the analysis. Ten studies concerned representative samples from the general population, 24 studies compared nonaggressive to extremely aggressive nonreferred samples, and 7 studies compared nonreferred samples with children referred for aggressive behavior problems. A robust significant association between hostile attribution of intent and aggressive behavior was found. Effect sizes differed considerably between studies. Larger effects were associated with more severe aggressive behavior, rejection by peers as one of the selection criteria, inclusion of 8- to-12-year-old participants, and absence of control for intelligence. Video and picture presentation of stimuli were associated with smaller effect sizes than was audio presentation. Staging of actual social interactions was associated with the largest effects. The importance of understanding moderators of effect size for theory development is stressed.

This experiment tested whether peer approval and disapproval experiences can cause immediate change in children's state self-esteem. Children's narcissistic traits and evaluator perceived popularity were examined as potential moderators. A total of 333 preadolescents (M = 10.8 years) completed personal profiles on the Internet that were ostensibly judged by a jury consisting of popular and unpopular peers. Participants randomly received negative, neutral, or positive feedback from the jury. Next, they could examine the feedback that each individual judge gave them. As expected, peer disapproval decreased self-esteem, especially in children high in narcissism. In contrast, peer approval increased self-esteem. Moreover, disapproved children's self-esteem recovery was dependent on the extent to which they subsequently viewed positive feedback from popular judges. These findings support sociometer theory.

Significance Narcissistic individuals feel superior to others, fantasize about personal successes, and believe they deserve special treatment. When they feel humiliated, they often lash out aggressively or even violently. Unfortunately, little is known about the origins of narcissism. Such knowledge is important for designing interventions to curtail narcissistic development. We demonstrate that narcissism in children is cultivated by parental overvaluation: parents believing their child to be more special and more entitled than others. In contrast, high self-esteem in children is cultivated by parental warmth: parents expressing affection and appreciation toward their child. These findings show that narcissism is partly rooted in early socialization experiences, and suggest that parent-training interventions can help curtail narcissistic development and reduce its costs for society. Narcissism levels have been increasing among Western youth, and contribute to societal problems such as aggression and violence. The origins of narcissism, however, are not well understood. Here, we report, to our knowledge, the first prospective longitudinal evidence on the origins of narcissism in children. We compared two perspectives: social learning theory (positing that narcissism is cultivated by parental overvaluation) and psychoanalytic theory (positing that narcissism is cultivated by lack of parental warmth). We timed the study in late childhood (ages 7–12), when individual differences in narcissism first emerge. In four 6-mo waves, 565 children and their parents reported child narcissism, child self-esteem, parental overvaluation, and parental warmth. Four-wave cross-lagged panel models were conducted. Results support social learning theory and contradict psychoanalytic theory: Narcissism was predicted by parental overvaluation, not by lack of parental warmth. Thus, children seem to acquire narcissism, in part, by internalizing parents’ inflated views of them (e.g., “I am superior to others” and “I am entitled to privileges”). Attesting to the specificity of this finding, self-esteem was predicted by parental warmth, not by parental overvaluation. These findings uncover early socialization experiences that cultivate narcissism, and may inform interventions to curtail narcissistic development at an early age.

Western parents often give children overly positive, inflated praise. One perspective holds that inflated praise sets unattainable standards for children, eventually lowering children's self-esteem (self-deflation hypothesis). Another perspective holds that children internalize inflated praise to form narcissistic self-views (self-inflation hypothesis). These perspectives were tested in an observational-longitudinal study (120 parent-child dyads from the Netherlands) in late childhood (ages 7-11), when narcissism and self-esteem first emerge. Supporting the self-deflation hypothesis, parents' inflated praise predicted lower self-esteem in children. Partly supporting the self-inflation hypothesis, parents' inflated praise predicted higher narcissism—but only in children with high self-esteem. Noninflated praise predicted neither self-esteem nor narcissism. Thus, inflated praise may foster the self-views it seeks to prevent.

Most interventions aimed at improving social interactions either target internalising or externalising problem behaviour in children. However, a recent review shows that a transdiagnostic approach might fit better to the diversity of problems within a group and within an individual (comorbidity). We examined the effectiveness of a transdiagnostic intervention, called Topper Training: a cognitive behavioural intervention in the peer group with parents included, that targets both internalising and externalising behaviour problems. A randomised trial with a waiting list control group was conducted, using 132 children with mild to severe psychosocial problems. Children were randomised into 77 intervention and 55 waiting list children (50% boys; age = 8-11 years). GLM repeated measures analyses yielded significant intervention effects directly after the training on parent-reported (but not teacher-reported) emotional symptoms (Cohen's d = .70), peer relationship problems (d = .41), and impact of these problems (d = .59). Significant effects were also found for child-perceived peer victimisation (d = .62), self-esteem (d = .45) and teacher-reported conduct problems (d = .42). Parent-reported effects on emotional, conduct problems and impact of the problems and child-reported effects on self-esteem were clinically relevant. No significant effects of Topper Training were found for prosocial behaviour and bullying. Within-participant t-tests in the intervention group between post-intervention and follow-up indicated that effects extended over a six-month follow-up period. Depression decreased significantly from post-test to follow-up. In conclusion, children with mild to severe internalising and/or externalising problems can benefit from the transdiagnostic Topper Training intervention.

Parenting interventions are an effective strategy to reduce children’s conduct problems. For some families, that is, not all families benefit equally. Individual trials tend to be underpowered and often lack variability to differentiate between families how benefit less or more. Integrating individual family level data across trials, we aimed to provide more conclusive results about often presumed key family (parental education and ethnic background) and child characteristics (problem severity, ADHD symptoms and emotional problems) as putative moderators of parenting intervention effects. We included data from 786 families (452 intervention; 334 control) from all four trials on the Incredible Years parenting intervention in The Netherlands (three randomized; one matched control). Children ranged between 2 and 10 years (M = 5.79; SD = 1.66). Of the families, 31% had a lower educational level and 29% had an ethnic minority background. Using multilevel regression, we tested whether each of the putative moderators affected intervention effects. Incredible Years reduced children’s conduct problems (d = − .34). There were no differential effects by families’ educational or ethnic background, or by children’s level of ADHD symptoms. Children with more severe conduct problems and those with more emotional problems benefited more. Post hoc sensitivity analyses showed that for the two trials with longer-term data, moderation effects disappeared at 4 or 12 months follow-up. Often assumed moderators have some, but limited abilities to explain who benefits from parenting interventions. This suggests the need for studying theoretically more precise moderators in prevention research, other than relatively static family characteristics alone.

Ample evidence has recognized the importance of teacher support for children’s mental health. However, less is known about the factors that may play a role in the association between teacher support and children’s mental health. In the present study, we examined the mediating role of self-concept and the moderating role of area (i.e., rural vs. urban area) in the relationship between teacher support and children’s mental health (i.e., depression and anxiety). We used a sample of Chinese elementary students who enrolled in grades 3 to 6 (N = 525, aged 8–13, 44.54% girls). Results showed that children who perceived more teacher support tended to report better mental health. Moreover, the relationship between perceived teacher support and mental health was mediated by each domain of self-concept. Lastly, the association between teacher support and mental health was moderated by area, with a stronger effect found for urban children compared with rural children. These findings highlight the importance of considering both individual and contextual factors in the association between teacher support and children’s mental health. Practical strategies are proposed for school teachers, professionals, and policymakers to foster children’s psychological well-being.

Children vary in the extent to which they benefit from parenting programs for conduct problems. How does parental mental health change if children benefit less or more? We assessed whether changes in conduct problems and maternal depressive symptoms co-occur following participation in the Incredible Years parenting program. We integrated individual participant data from 10 randomized trials ( N = 1280; children aged 2–10 years) and distinguished latent classes based on families' baseline and post-test conduct problems and maternal depressive symptoms, using repeated measures latent class analysis (RMLCA) and latent transition analysis (LTA). Classes differed mainly in severity of conduct problems and depression (RMLCA; 4 classes). Conduct problems reduced in all classes. Depressive symptoms did not change in most classes, except in a class of families where conduct problems and depression were particularly severe. Incredible Years led to a greater likelihood of families with particularly severe conduct problems and depression moving to a class with mild problems (LTA; 3 classes). Our findings suggest that for the majority of families, children's conduct problems reduce, but maternal depressive symptoms do not, suggesting relative independence, with the exception of families with severe depression and severe conduct problems where changes for the better do co-occur.

In their commentary, Beauchaine and Slep (2018) raise important issues regarding research on behavioral parenting training (BPT). In this reply we highlight key points of agreement and respond to issues that we feel require clarification. BPT has been repeatedly proven effective in decreasing disruptive child behavior (also in the work of our research team). Yet, there is much to learn about for whom and how BPT is effective. Specifically, assessing the how (i.e., mediation) comes with many challenges. One of these challenges is taking into account the timeline of change, and being able to infer causal mechanisms of change. We argue that cross-lagged panel models (which we, and many other scholars, used) are a valid and valuable method for testing mediation. At the same time, our results raise important questions, specifically about the timing and form of expected changes in parenting and child behavior after BPT. For example, are these changes linear and gradual or do they happen more suddenly? To select the appropriate design, assessment tools, and statistical models to test mediation, we need to state detailed hypotheses on what changes when. An important next step might be to assess multiple putative mediators on different timescales, not only before and after, but specifically also during BPT.