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In a market long dominated by Hollywood, French films are consistently the most widely distributed non-English language works. French cinema, however, appears to undergo a transformation as it reaches Britain, becoming something quite different to that experienced by audiences at home. Drawing on extensive archival research the authors examine in detail the discourses, debates and decisions which have determined the place accorded to French cinema in British film culture. In so doing they provide a fascinating account of this particular instance of transnational cinematic traffic while simultaneously shedding new light on British film history. From the early days of the Film Society, via the advent of the X certificate to the new possibilities of video and DVD, this book reveals the complex and detailed history of the distribution, exhibition, marketing and reception of French cinema in Britain.

Once the State-run Salon in Paris closed, an array of independent Salons mushroomed starting with the French Artists Salon and Women’s Salon in 1881 followed by the Independent Artists’ Salon, National Salon of Fine Arts and Autumn Salon. Offering an unparalleled choice of art identities and alliances, together with undreamed-of opportunities for sales, commissions, prizes and art criticism, these great Salons guaranteed the centripetal and centrifugal power of Paris as the \"modern art centre.

Paysages et paysans: la vie rurale en France au XIXe siècle, 1820–1905 was the anodyne title of a loan exhibition inaugurated in March of 1978 at Beijing's National Gallery of China. As the first exhibition of Western painting in China after the instauration of the Communist regime in 1949, the show was a cultural- diplomatic landmark; its planning and reception can refresh our understanding of both Franco–Chinese cultural relations in the waning years of Maoism and the diplomatically recuperative uses of French nineteenth-century painting. This article uncovers the rationales of French actors and institutions as revealed in archival documents and then scrutinizes the unexpected reception of an art exhibition that remains an important episode in cross-cultural relations and aesthetic reclamation.

The term “applied science,” as it came to be popularly used in the 1870s, was a hybrid of three earlier concepts. The phrase “applied science” itself had been coined by Samuel Taylor Coleridge in 1817, translating the German Kantian term “angewandte Wissenschaft.” It was popularized through theEncyclopaedia Metropolitana, which was structured on principles inherited from Coleridge and edited by men with sympathetic views. Their concept of empirical as opposed toa prioriscience was hybridized with an earlier English concept of “practical science” and with “science applied to the arts,” adopted from the French. Charles Dupin had favored the latter concept and promoted it in the reconstruction of the Conservatoire Nationale des Arts et Métiers. The process of hybridization took place from the 1850s, in the wake of the Great Exhibition, as a new technocratic government favored scientific education. “Applied science” subsequently was used as the epistemic basis for technical education and the formation of new colleges in the 1870s.

Born in 1947, Rick McKee Hock was a prominent artist and educator, former director of exhibitions and program design at the George Eastman House (1978 2008), and exhibitions and events coordinator at the Visual Studies Workshop (VSW). Not surprisingly, Rick's interest in universal myths and archetypes was strongly shaped by Parker's teaching Rick's first recognition as a photographer came in June 1975, in an exhibition juried by Parker and Carl Chiarenza, Pro/Contra: A Selection of Connecticut Photography, part of the Greater Hartford (CTj Civic and Arts Festival. The difference between the Parthenon and the World Trade Center, between a French wine glass and a German beer mug, between Bach and John Philip Sousa, between Sophocles and Shakespeare, between a bicycle and a horse, though explicable by historical moment, necessity, and destiny, is before all a difference of imagination.

Competing constructions of modernity emerged in Brazil in the 1920s, accompanied by artistic and ideological debates over the significance of the Indian. Long revered as a symbol of Brazilian republicanism, in the twentieth century this Brazilian \"noble savage\" became subject to modernist parody and derision. Vicente do Rego Monteiro's modernist reworking of the Indian challenged Parisian avant-garde primitivism and Brazilian academic aesthetics. Rego Monteiro's participation in transatlantic aesthetic dialogues and his emphasis on the circular networks of influence and meaning underpinning the imagined Indian reflect a specifically Brazilian cosmopolitanism at the core of an avant-garde counternarrative of national modernity.

W.J. Eccles’s Frontenac: The Courtier Governor (1959) and his article “The History of New France According to Francis Parkman” (1961) established his reputation as a fearsome iconoclast. The myth of the heroic governor and the reputation of his nineteenth-century champion did not survive intact. Less dramatic but equally important was Eccles’s exposition of French policy for the development of Canada in the seventeenth century, which he labelled Jean-Baptiste Colbert’s “compact colony policy,” a policy of limiting Canada’s geographical extent Eccles made this idea, long-buried in his Master of Arts thesis (1951), the theme of his book Canada under Louis XIV (1964) in the Canadian Centenary Series. The division between volumes 3 and 4 reflects Eccles’s belief that from 1701 a new policy of continental imperialism replaced Colbert’s old policy. Letters between Eccles and his editors, W.L. Morton and D.G. Creighton, reveal his struggle to include sections on economic and social history in a series decidedly narrative in structure. Canadian history writing was at a crossroads. Eccles was largely responsible for the rebirth of New France history in English. His influence was also felt among French-language historians, engaged in their own struggle to release history from a nineteenth-century embrace.

In their review of the Salon of 1852, the Goncourt brothers celebrate Barye's Jaguar dévorant un lièvre. Their enthusiasm, however, is in striking contrast to the skepticism voiced by many critics concerning the place of la sculpture animalière in the annual Salons. In an important article published just a year before the Goncourts' review, the critic Gustave Planche sought to rescue Barye by describing his career as a progressive move away from naturalistic animal themes and toward idealized subjects drawn from classical tradition. The Goncourts reverse the terms of Planches logic, arguing that the zoological naturalism of Barye's Jaguar dévorant un lièvre represents not a liability to be overcome, but rather participates in what they term \"l'evolution de l'art moderne.\"

A la fin du XIXeme siecle les arts plastiques qui se développent dans le monde Ottoman amenent aussi la question de la critique. Les Salons de peintures qui ont eu lieu a Pera, le quartier le plus cosmopolite et occidentalisé d'Istanbul, ont poussé les journalistes et les intellectuels a rédiger les critiques. Ces jours-la, l'éditeur français du Journal Stamboul Régis Delbeuf, publicitaire volontaire de ces Salons, a pris aussi le rôle de critique d'art dans le monde artistique de l'Empire Ottoman.