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\"This book, \"Basque Firsts: People who Changed the World,\" recognizes extraordinary Basques, all of them ignored or overlooked in history, who have made extraordinary contributions in navigation, education, science, fashion, politics, and other fields that changed our world.\"--Provided by publisher.

Nevada sheep rancher Joe Juaristi spoke for years about making a trip back to the Spanish Basque Country that he left sixty years earlier, but each time the subject came up the discussion evolved into a family debate about the scope and members of the journey.

Basque settlement increased in the western states of the US decades ago, particularly in California, Idaho, and Nevada. Alongside this migration phenomenon, Basque Studies programs have been emerging at the University of Nevada, Reno (UNR), Boise State University (BSU), and California State University, Bakersfield (CSUB), particularly in the humanities, including history, anthropology, linguistics, and literature. The impact of the pandemic in Basque e-Diasporic communities in California, Idaho, and Nevada, and, consequently, the deep digitalization process being undertaken at the abovementioned universities, has resulted in an increasing demand for an articulated strategy in community engagement through action research. To respond to this timely challenge, the article suggests a need for a transition towards a Social Science transdisciplinary roadmap to support Basque e-diasporic communities. Basque Studies programs have the potential to act as a transformational policy driver through their virtual connections with the Basque Country and key homeland institutions. This article explores this necessary transition through action research by acknowledging the potential for the three abovementioned US states and the Basque Country to set up a transformational e-Diaspora.

Throughout history, Basque men and women have made contributions in navigation, education, science, fashion, politics, and many other fields. Too often these achievements have been overlooked, or have been claimed as the accomplishments of others. Basque Firsts: People Who Changed the World profiles seven remarkable Basques who were the first in their fields to do something—something extraordinary—that had a dramatic impact on others who followed them. The profiles use primary sources to tell fresh stories and offer a wonderful variety, showing the astonishing breadth of Basque contributions. They include Juan Sebastían Elcano, the first person to circumnavigate the earth; St. Ignatius of Loyola, the first Jesuit to seed a worldwide movement in education; Santiago Ramón y Cajal, the Father of Neurology and a Nobel laureate; Cristóbal Balenciaga, the king of haute couture; Paul Laxalt, one of Ronald Reagan's closest friends in politics; and Edurne Pasaban, the first woman to climb the world's fourteen tallest mountains. Basque Firsts provides a rare look at a culture's people, revealing the significant contributions they have shared.

The Basque version of the MacArthur-Bates Communicative Development Inventory (BCDI-1) can be used to evaluate 8–15-month-old children’s receptive and expressive verbal skills, as well as nonverbal gesture production. This paper reports on data of 1002 children of an extended age range obtained with the BCDI-1 as a proxy measure of Basque children’s communicative competence up to 24 months. Statistical analyses revealed a large effect of age on four BCDI-1 scales: phrases understood, production of gestures, receptive vocabulary, and expressive vocabulary, while sex, amount of exposure, educational level, and birth order showed small or no effect. The strong effect of age as well as the high between-scale correlations confirmed the advantage of using the BCDI-1 instrument for the extended age range.

This article develops of an analysis of the clitic co-occurrence restrictions found on transitive unaccusative verbs in Choctaw, and how they are (or are not) repaired. It turns out that the repair strategy of Absolutive Promotion, by which a typically-absolutive argument becomes ergative, is sensitive to standard syntactic notions of intervention and locality, implying that it involves a syntactic Agree relation. Regarding the clitic co-occurrence restrictions, I show that they can be captured with the Condition on Clitic Hosts—a condition that syntactic heads can host at most one clitic, adapted from the condition of the same name developed by Arregi and Nevins (2012) for Basque. By detailed comparison with Basque, we see that the Condition on Clitic Hosts and Absolutive Promotion are found in both languages. However, they do not have entirely the same effect: Absolutive Promotion in Choctaw can repair a different set of structures from those it can repair in Basque, and clitics are hosted on a different set of heads in Choctaw from where they are hosted in Basque.

In this article, I offer a critical reading of the racial imaginary that informs the genealogy of libertadores imagined by the Basque nationalist exiles who fled to Venezuela after losing the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Not seeing themselves reflected in the idea of a Hispanic community, Basque nationalists crafted an alternative transatlantic family via the appropriation of Simón Bolívar and other venerated heroes of Latin American Independence. The myth of a Basque Bolívar—and by extension, of a distinctive “liberatory Basque blood”—was not a novel invention of Basque exiles, but rather a product of the amalgam of racial theories circulating at both sides of the Atlantic at the turn of the 20th century. In this piece, I trace the origins of the trope of a liberatory Basque blood back to a positivist strain of late 19th century Venezuelan historiography in order to put the racial lexicon of Basque exiles in conversation with the Hispanism of Spanish republican refugees. I conclude that, despite the historical and ideological particularities of its distinct racial lexicon, the trope of liberatory Basque blood functions in a similar fashion to Hispanism. This nationalistic Basque trope offers an elusive, vague racial discourse that camouflages the colonial ideology of refugees while it relegates its underlying racial thought to the task of soothing the anxieties provoked by exile. Este artículo ofrece una lectura crítica del pensamiento racial que informa la genealogía de libertadores imaginada por nacionalistas ortodoxos vascos exiliados en Venezuela tras la guerra civil española (1936-1939). Al no sentirse identificados con la idea de una comunidad hispana, los nacionalistas vascos confeccionaron una familia transatlántica alternativa apropiándose de Simón Bolívar y de otros héroes venerados de los procesos de independencia de Latinoamérica. No obstante, el mito de un Bolívar vasco y, por extensión, de una “sangre libertadora vasca”, no fue una invención novedosa de los exiliados vascos, sino producto de una amalgama de teorías raciales finiseculares que ya habían circulado ampliamente por ambos lados del Atlántico. En este artículo, sitúo los gérmenes del tropo de la sangre libertadora vasca dentro de una corriente positivista de la historiografía venezolana de finales del siglo XIX para poner en conversación el léxico racial de los exiliados nacionalistas vascos con el hispanismo de los refugiados españoles republicanos. Argumento que, pese a las particularidades históricas e ideológicas de su distintivo léxico racial, el tropo de la sangre libertadora vasca funciona de manera similar al hispanismo. Este tropo nacionalista vasco ofrece un discurso racial elusivo que camufla la ideología colonial de los refugiados al mismo tiempo que relega su intrínseco pensamiento racial a la tarea de aliviar las ansiedades provocadas por el exilio.