Explore the vast range of titles available.

Uncivil Disobedienceexamines the roles violence and terrorism have played in the exercise of democratic ideals in America. Jennet Kirkpatrick explores how crowds, rallying behind the principle of popular sovereignty and desiring to make law conform to justice, can disdain law and engage in violence. She exposes the hazards of democracy that arise when citizens seek to control government directly, and demonstrates the importance of laws and institutions as limitations on the will of the people. Kirkpatrick looks at some of the most explosive instances of uncivil disobedience in American history: the contemporary militia movement, Southern lynch mobs, frontier vigilantism, and militant abolitionism. She argues that the groups behind these violent episodes are often motivated by admirable democratic ideas of popular power and autonomy. Kirkpatrick shows how, in this respect, they are not so unlike the much-admired adherents of nonviolent civil disobedience, yet she reveals how those who engage in violent disobedience use these admirable democratic principles as a justification for terrorism and killing. She uses a \"bottom-up\" analysis of events to explain how this transformation takes place, paying close attention to what members of these groups do and how they think about the relationship between citizens and the law. Uncivil Disobediencecalls for a new vision of liberal democracy where the rule of the people and the rule of law are recognized as fundamental ideals, and where neither is triumphant or transcendent.

Background Heatwaves present a significant health risk and the hazard is likely to escalate with the increased future temperatures presently predicted by climate change models. The impact of heatwaves is often felt strongest in towns and cities where populations are concentrated and where the climate is often unintentionally modified to produce an urban heat island effect; where urban areas can be significantly warmer than surrounding rural areas. The purpose of this interdisciplinary study is to integrate remotely sensed urban heat island data alongside commercial social segmentation data via a spatial risk assessment methodology in order to highlight potential heat health risk areas and build the foundations for a climate change risk assessment. This paper uses the city of Birmingham, UK as a case study area. Results When looking at vulnerable sections of the population, the analysis identifies a concentration of \"very high\" risk areas within the city centre, and a number of pockets of \"high risk\" areas scattered throughout the conurbation. Further analysis looks at household level data which yields a complicated picture with a considerable range of vulnerabilities at a neighbourhood scale. Conclusions The results illustrate that a concentration of \"very high\" risk people live within the urban heat island, and this should be taken into account by urban planners and city centre environmental managers when considering climate change adaptation strategies or heatwave alert schemes. The methodology has been designed to be transparent and to make use of powerful and readily available datasets so that it can be easily replicated in other urban areas.

The British electorate swelled dramatically with the passing of the Second Reform Act in 1867. This presented the political class with a significant challenge. Here was a large, new electorate which needed to be understood, managed, enthused, and persuaded to vote for the right candidate in local and parliamentary elections. From this time onwards education and democratic involvement of these new voters became vital for political success.In Birmingham, the town of a thousand trades, Joseph Chamberlain and his allies were faced with an electorate which had tripled in size overnight and many of whom had never previously voted or participated in politics. In response, Joseph Chamberlain and his close-knit Birmingham team developed national campaigns on issues such as universal education, democracy and tariff reform which required new methods for propagating and winning arguments that resonated across all classes and interests. At the same time they colonised Birmingham's town council, school board and other municipal bodies where they gained the practical political experience which they could transfer to the national stage.For the first time The Birmingham Political Machine lays bare how Joseph Chamberlain with his colleagues and friends was so successful that never before or since has one politician monopolised regional power as Joseph Chamberlain did for more than thirty years in the West Midlands. He made it his invincible fortress.From now on British politics would never be the same and the techniques developed by the Birmingham Machine can still be seen today.

Using the personal papers of Syngman Rhee, the first president of the Republic of Korea, as a starting point, this essay examines the lobbying activities from 1919 to 1922 of Korean independence activists in the United States from the perspective of three Americans who became supporters of the Korean cause. It reveals how these activists used the \"American Mission\"—a particular genus of American exceptionalism asserting that the United States has a national destiny to promote universal values abroad—to build a small but formidable constituency of U.S. supporters. These advocates were instrumental in publicizing Korea's plight and in bringing many Americans into sympathy with the Korean independence movement. Their involvement casts a long shadow in U.S.-Korean relations because they provided Rhee with a base of moral support during his 35-year exile in the United States that he used to advance the Korean independence movement and his personal political ambitions. Their lobbying campaign also calls into question received wisdom about who employs American exceptionalism and why.

Recent studies of the nonviolent civil rights movement maintain that the 1963 confrontation in Birmingham, Alabama succeeded because the movement's leaders deliberately provoked violence by whites. The violence forced the federal government to intervene, bringing victory for the movement. I challenge this thesis by examining the tactics and mobilization tools of the Birmingham movement. Evidence indicates that the local movement, because of its capacity for mobilization and its use of multiple tactics, generated the power that led to victory. A general discussion of social movement tactics derives from this case study. A social movement's internal organization, mobilization capacity, and tactical effectiveness are crucial to its failure or success.

In 2002 Birmingham libraries launched a marketing campaign to change their image and introduce a new branding. An integrated approach to strategic planning, performance measurement and marketing techniques enabled the campaign to achieve its objectives. The example of Birmingham libraries illustrates the various stages of a marketing campaign through planning, market research, defining objectives, target groups and messages, media planning, implementation and evaluation. It emphasises the link between the libraries’ strategy and concrete marketing targets. Birmingham libraries’ image campaign was awarded the CILIP and Emerald Public Relations and Publicity Award in 2002. The judges described the work as “a textbook example of a job done properly with serious professional support … this level of marketing for libraries should be encouraged”.

The invitation, which was immediately withdrawn after the Globe called the Birmingham campaign for comment yesterday, was distributed by a longtime political associate of the Senate leader, Dr. Alfred L. Arcidi, a Haverhill-area health care magnate whose businesses are heavily regulated by the state. With a \"special VIP invitation to attend the event of the year,\" Arcidi told potential donors that with a $500 check, they can get a \"special lapel pin\" and attend a March 7 Birmingham campaign party at Anthony's Pier 4, the Boston restaurant. Arcidi wrote in his letter the the lapel pin would allow donors to get free admission to all other campaign functions, fund-raisers, and other events as well as personal invitations to Birmingham's inauguration. \"There are a limited number of lapel pins, first-come, first-serve,\" he wrote. The $500 donation sought is the maximum an individual can give a state candidate.

The anger is exacerbated by [Thomas F. Birmingham]'s campaign for governor. Some senators argue that his political nemesis, House Speaker Thomas M. Finneran, outmaneuvered Birmingham during the negotiations, because the Senate leader was so consumed by his gubernatorial ambition that he did not fight for the broader agenda of the Senate. Birmingham has previously denied that. The fact that he is not running for another Senate term next year has created a behind-the-scenes succession struggle, one which increasingly pushes Birmingham toward a lame-duck status. The senators are focused on the succession battle because they want to secure their own positions - and committee assignments - and need to know who will be making those appointments.

The state lottery may well be the only billion-dollar business in Massachusetts that does no advertising, but state Treasurer Shannon P. O'Brien thinks it may be time to change that. \"This is a time of change for the lottery,\" Ms. O'Brien said. \"We've seen some areas slowing and declining. As with any product, there is a saturation point. Without a real push to expand the games, there will be a leveling off.\" Between 1998 and 1999, sales dipped for the Numbers Game, Mass Cash, Megabucks and Mass Millions. Overall lottery sales increased 4.8 percent, however, because of growth in Keno, The Big Game and instant scratch tickets.