Explore the vast range of titles available.

Political uncertainty is a crucial disadvantage to the internationalization of enterprises in developing countries. Using data from a survey of World Bank in 106 developing countries from 2006 to 2020, this study empirically investigates the innovative behavior of export enterprises in response to political uncertainty. The empirical results illustrate that export enterprises significantly improve the probability of participating in product innovation activities and R&D innovation activities under higher political uncertainty. Export enterprises substitute for fixed asset investment by engaging in innovative activities that can mitigate the decline in exports in an uncertain political environment. Both financing constraints and domestic production competition significantly reduce the positive effect of political uncertainty on the innovation of export enterprises.

In January 1978, President Jimmy Carter proclaimed that \"There is all across our land a growing sense of peace and a sense of common purpose.\" Yet in the ensuing months, a series of crises disturbed that fragile sense of peace, ultimately setting the stage for Reagan's decisive victory in 1980 and ushering in the final phase of the Cold War.

Since the 1980s, austerity has become synonymous with neoliberal \"free\" markets and the retreat of the state. With case studies from early Stalinist Russia, interwar corporatist Portugal, and late socialist Romania, we offer an alternative historical geography of austerity in the twentieth century. Significantly, we argue that austerity was not a corollary of neoliberalism but fulfilled the crucial functions of state-building, state transformation, and state maintenance in systems falling outside the liberal framework. The regimes under study resorted to austerity to drive deep structural change, expand state capacity, and pursue utopian promises of future-oriented progress and national independence. Focusing on places on the margins of the global capitalist economy, we uncover often-overlooked tool kits-both theoretical and technical-that state officials used to implement austerity. Collectively, we show how austerity is, at its core, a technology of the state and a mode of governance, widely adopted across political ideologies and economic systems in the past century.

We analyze the impact of the introduction of credit default swaps (CDSs) on real decision-making within the firm. Our structural model predicts that CDS introduction increases debt capacity more when uncertainty about the credit events that trigger CDS payment is lower. Using a sample of more than 56,000 firms across 51 countries, we find that CDSs increase leverage more in legal and market environments where uncertainty about CDS obligations is reduced and when property rights are weaker. Our results highlight the importance of legal uncertainty in the interpretation of the underlying trigger events of global credit derivatives.

Industrial policy is back on the agenda for many countries after years in the wilderness. COVID-19, the climate crisis, and the emergence of a new cold war - what has been described as the polycrisis (Tooze 2018) - has raised concerns about sovereign industrial capabilities for governments and has contributed to a renewal of the state and its intervention in economic, industrial and regional development. In a recent series of publications (Dean 'et al'. 2021, 2024; Rainnie and Snell 2023, 2024) we have traced the reemergence of industrial policy in Australia, its regional and renewables focus and, crucially, the increasing and fundamental militarisation of that policy. In this article, we examine the re-emergence of the state in the industrial policy and industrial development domain, and what has been broadly defined as the 'new state capitalism' (Alami 2023). While some political economists have suggested 'new state capitalism' has emerged out of global economic and environmental crisis and represents a break with the era of neo-liberalism which began in the 1980s, we suggest that the new state capitalism continues to support many of the key tenets of neo-liberalism which prove challenging for meaningful regional and industrial renewal.

This article offers insight into the role of the state in land financialisation through a reading of urban hegemony. This offers the basis for a conjunctural analysis of the politics of planning within a context in which authoritarian neoliberalism is ascendant across Europe. I explore this through the case of Antwerp as it underwent a hegemonic shift in which the nationalist neoliberal party the New Flemish Alliance (Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie; N-VA) ended 70 years of Socialist Party rule and deregulated the city’s technocratic planning system. However, this unbridling of the free market has led to the creation of high-margin investment products rather than suitable housing for the middle classes, raising concerns about the city’s gentrification strategy. The consequent, politicisation of the city’s planning system led to controversy over clientelism which threatened to undermine the N-VA’s wider hegemonic project. In response, the city has sought to roll out a more formalised system of negotiated developer obligations, so embedding transactional, marketoriented informal governance networks at the centre of the planning system. This article highlights how the literature on land financialisation may incorporate conjunctural analysis, in the process situating recent trends towards the use of land value capture mechanisms within the contradictions and statecraft of contemporary neoliberal urbanism. 通过对城市霸权的解读，本文深入探讨了政府在土地金融化过程中扮演的角色。在威权主义新自由主义正在欧洲盛行的背景下，这为对规划政治进行综合分析提供了基础。我通过安特卫普的例子来探讨这一点，因为它经历了霸权的转变，民族主义新自由主义政党新弗拉芒联盟 (Nieuw-Vlaamse alliantee; N-VA) 结束了社会党70年的统治，并对该市的技术官僚规划制度进行了放松管制的改革。然而，这种对自由市场的放任导致了高利润投资产品的产生，而不是为中产阶级提供合适的住房，这引发了人们对城市绅士化战略的担忧。随之而来的是，城市规划系统的政治化导致了对客户主义的争议，这可能会破坏N-VA更广泛的霸权议程。作为回应，该市寻求推出一个更正规的开发商义务协商制度，将交易型、面向市场的非正规治理网络嵌入规划体系的核心。本文强调土地金融化方面的文献可以纳入局势分析，在此过程中将土地价值获取机制的使用趋势置于当代新自由主义城市化的自相矛盾和治国之道这一大背景中。

Existing empirical schemas of class structure do not specify the capitalist class in an adequate manner. We propose a schema in which the specification of capitalist households is based on wealth thresholds. Individuals in non-capitalist households are assigned class locations based on their position in the social labour process. The schema is designed to address the question of the relationship between class structure and overall economic inequality in the United States. Although the major portion of inequality occurs within classes, inter-class inequality, especially the large gaps between capitalist households and everyone else, contributed substantially to the rise in overall inequality.

Legibility and political authority are often conflated in debates over formalization processes, including land titling. This can lead to a fundamental misunderstanding of what it is that citizens anticipate would strengthen their property rights. This study examines the effects of legibility on citizens’ evaluations of property rights in Malawi, a country with limited but increasing land titling. We argue that legibility is a strategic resource for citizens, which has value in itself. To disentangle the effects of legibility and authority on tenure security, we employ a survey experiment. Our findings show that respondents perceived land with written property rights to be more secure and more desirable regardless of whether a state or customary authority granted these land rights. In contrast to scholarship that examines legibility as a technology of state control, this research suggests that legibility can help citizens advance their interests.

In this article I compare the approaches to process and order of classical political economy and marginalist economics, taking into account the implicit ontological commitments of each perspective in their explanation of capitalism. I draw on the social ontology developed by Tony Lawson, especially the notion of social positioning. The classical political economists studied the capitalist economy as a process of reproduction and distribution of the economic surplus, where socio-economic order depends on the division of society into social classes. After the marginal revolution, the classical approach is definitely abandoned, in a context where the analysis of human institutions in terms of social positions is progressively replaced by methodological individualism. This leads to a conception where the notion of socio-economic order is interpreted always in terms of market exchange between individuals, and in many cases replaced with a concern with the stability of an equilibrium situation.