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What determines how languages categorize colors? We analyzed results of the World Color Survey (WCS) of 110 languages to show that despite gross differences across languages, communication of chromatic chips is always better for warm colors (yellows/reds) than cool colors (blues/greens). We present an analysis of color statistics in a large databank of natural images curated by human observers for salient objects and show that objects tend to have warm rather than cool colors. These results suggest that the cross-linguistic similarity in color-naming efficiency reflects colors of universal usefulness and provide an account of a principle (color use) that governs how color categories come about. We show that potential methodological issues with the WCS do not corrupt information-theoretic analyses, by collecting original data using two extreme versions of the color-naming task, in three groups: the Tsimane’, a remote Amazonian hunter-gatherer isolate; Bolivian-Spanish speakers; and English speakers. These data also enabled us to test another prediction of the color-usefulness hypothesis: that differences in color categorization between languages are caused by differences in overall usefulness of color to a culture. In support, we found that color naming among Tsimane’ had relatively low communicative efficiency, and the Tsimane’ were less likely to use color terms when describing familiar objects. Color-naming among Tsimane’ was boosted when naming artificially colored objects compared with natural objects, suggesting that industrialization promotes color usefulness.

Colour is one of the central categories of both a conceptual and a linguistic world of image, correlated with an axiological and an esthetic assessment, a semiotic and value world of image of a given national culture, which allows us to talk about colour preferences, ethnic colour mentality, colour gaps and colour universals, that is, about the colour world of image. In addition, colours have senses specific to particular fields, from physics over printing to senses used in everyday life. In the present article, I carry out an analysis of the colour term white in English, and its counterparts in Russian, Tajik and Uzbek from the lexicological and lexicographical point of view, starting with a semasiological perspective, following Steinvall’s (2002: 56) methodology. The conceptual space of the colour term white in lexicographic work tends to be kept compact rather than articulated in great detail, just like in the case of other types of colours, i.e. in an attempt to minimize polysemy, its senses are typically lumped, rather than split. The main aims were to investigate the differences in the representation of adjectives denoting white colour across languages and to compare monolingual and bilingual dictionaries with respect how they structure their meanings, as well as collocations and idiomatic expressions (often based on metaphors and metonymies). A number of field-like clusters of concepts related to the colour terms for white were established. Based on these findings, I proceed to make some suggestions for the improvement of the approach to colour terms for white and other colours in general use and pedagogical dictionaries.

There are numerous researches on color terms and names in many languages. In Mongolian language there are few doctoral theses on color naming. Cross cultural studies of color naming have demonstrated Semantic relevance in French and Mongolian color name Gerlee Sh. (2000); Comparisons of color naming across English and Mongolian Uranchimeg B. (2004); Semantic comparison between Russian and Mongolian idioms Enhdelger O. (1996); across symbolism Dulam S. (2007) and few others. Also a few articles on color naming by some Mongolian scholars are Tsevel, Ya. (1947), Baldan, L. (1979), Bazarragchaa, M. (1997) and others. Color naming studies are not sufficiently studied in Modern Mongolian. Our research is considered to be the first intended research on color naming in Modern Mongolian, because it is one part of Ph.D dissertation on color naming. There are two color naming categories in Mongolian, basic color terms and non- basic color terms. There are seven basic color terms in Mongolian. This paper aims to consider how Mongolian color names are derived from basic colors by using psycholinguistics associative experiment. It maintains the students and researchers to acquire the specific understanding of the differences and similarities of color naming in Mongolian and English languages from the psycho-linguistic aspect.

The nature of color categories in the world's languages is contested. One major view holds that color categories are organized around universal focal colors, whereas an opposing view holds instead that categories are defined at their boundaries by linguistic convention. Both of these standardly opposed views are challenged by existing data. Here, we argue for a third view based on a proposal by Jameson and D'Andrade [Jameson KA, D'Andrade RG (1997) in Color Categories in Thought and Language, eds Hardin CL, Maffi L (Cambridge Univ Press, Cambridge, U.K.), pp 295-319]: that color naming across languages reflects optimal or near-optimal divisions of an irregularly shaped perceptual color space. We formalize this idea, test it against color-naming data from a broad range of languages and show that it accounts for universal tendencies in color naming while also accommodating some observed cross-language variation.

Embedded in culture historical research on color, the present study contributes to the hypothesis that a given color only obtains its cultural or symbolical meanings in association with another color. By analyzing Hungarian examples of the color yellow, I will demonstrate that a color may have associations of a different character in relation to another color: this association may rely on symbolism alone, as seen in the relationship between yellow and black in connection with the concept of impurity tied to bile, excrement and dirty soil. Connections between colors may also be based on sensory-psychological/cognitive similarities, such as those drawn between yellow and green in earlier times across Europe, an association that can be traced in some archaic elements of Hungarian culture, such as in the ideas connected to jaundice. In addition to this argument, I also propose that, out of excreta, compared to feces light yellow urine is closer to the category of white associated with purity (through the analogy of white wine) than to yellow which (also) symbolizes impurity.

In this article, we report that in visual search, desaturated reddish targets are much easier to find than other desaturated targets, even when perceptual differences between targets and distractors are carefully equated. Observers searched for desaturated targets among mixtures of white and saturated distractors. Reaction times were hundreds of milliseconds faster for the most effective (reddish) targets than for the least effective (purplish) targets. The advantage for desaturated reds did not reflect an advantage for the lexical category \"pink,\" because reaction times did not follow named color categories. Many pink stimuli were not found quickly, and many quickly found stimuli were not labeled \"pink.\" Other possible explanations (e.g., linear-separability effects) also failed. Instead, we propose that guidance of visual search for desaturated colors is based on a combination of low-level color-opponent signals that is different from the combinations that produce perceived color. We speculate that this guidance might reflect a specialization for human skin.

This study explores differences in color naming among male and female Jordanian Arabic-speaking participants aged 18 to 70, within the framework of language variation and change. Using an unconstrained color naming task (UCN), 195 participants from West Amman typed in descriptions of 15 color samples presented individually on a portable computer screen. A total of 2,342 responses were categorized into six groups. We found a significant impact of age and gender: younger individuals used nuanced color descriptions more often than their older counterparts, and younger females did so more often than their male counterparts. Moreover, younger females used color terms from Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) more often than their male counterparts, representing a shift from the previously established connection between MSA and males’ speech. The dynamic urban life of Amman, rapid capital urbanization, and growing cultural diversity are shaping novel ways of expressing color terms. These linguistic changes are chiefly noticed among the younger generation, suggesting a case of language change. While young people may project an urban character through use of nuanced color descriptions, borrowings, or color terms from MSA, females seem to employ these linguistic resources to signal group membership.

This survey investigated the focus and boundaries of basic color terms (BCTs) in Mandarin Chinese. The primary aim of this experimental study was to systematically analyze the characteristics of focal colors and category boundaries in Chinese BCTs. Ninety native Chinese speakers participated in the survey, with a mean age of 22 (age range 18-26; 45 females and 45 males). The survey is a mapping-task-involved focus mapping (best example) and uses boundary mapping tasks. The findings revealed that the foci and boundaries of Chinese BCTs are generally similar to those of English BCTs, although there are minor variations. Moreover, the study also found that Mandarin Chinese categorizes color in ways that reflect its unique characteristics, with synonymous color terms exhibiting overlapping category boundaries but not sharing identical focal points. Notably, the color term qing/青 (“cyan”) demonstrated significant variability and dispersion in focus, covering a broad spectrum of hues that includes a large portion of both blue and green. The results support the universal existence of basic perceptual color categories, as proposed by Paul and Kay.

We analyzed the World Color Survey (WCS) color-naming data set by using k-means cluster and concordance analyses. Cluster analysis relied on a similarity metric based on pairwise Pearson correlation of the complete chromatic color-naming patterns obtained from individual WCS informants. When K, the number of k-means clusters, varied from 2 to 10, we found that (Y) the average color-naming patterns of the clusters all glossed easily to single or composite English patterns, and (ii) the structures of the k-means clusters unfolded in a hierarchical way that was reminiscent of the Berlin and Kay sequence of color category evolution. Gap statistical analysis showed that 8 was the optimal number of WCS chromatic categories: RED, GREEN, YELLOW-OR-ORANGE, BLUE, PURPLE, BROWN, PINK, and GRUE (GREEN-OR-BLUE). Analysis of concordance in color naming within WCS languages revealed small regions in color space that exhibited statistically significantly high concordance across languages. These regions agreed well with five of six primary focal colors of English. Concordance analysis also revealed boundary regions of statistically significantly low concordance. These boundary regions coincided with the boundaries associated with English WARM and COOL. Our results provide compelling evidence for similarities in the mechanisms that guide the lexical partitioning of color space among WCS languages and English.

Metaphor is ubiquitous in people's daily life. Color is a cognitive way of human beings to the outside world. When we use the basic category of color to express other cognitive domains, we form the cognitive metaphor of color. Due to the common cognitive characteristics, the English and Chinese nationalities have a certain degree of similarity in the recognition of color words. However, influenced by various external factors, their recognition of color words shows their own unique personality. By comparing the conceptual metaphors of color idioms between English and Chinese, this paper reveals the similarities and differences between the metaphors of Chinese and English color words in a language environment close to nature, and finds out the characteristics of the metaphors of color words. The development of computer technology provides us with the possibility of analyzing specific problems. This article analyzes the application of computer-based multimodal discourse analysis in English teaching reform.