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Interactive features of the hyper-video environment, such as indexing, bookmarks, links to learning materials, multiple-choice questions, and personal and shared annotations, can enhance learning processes. This paper examines integration of the Annoto hyper-video platform in three large undergraduate courses (A, B & C) at a large university. The study combines learning analytics of video-recordings of synchronous lessons (9–15 sessions per course, approximately two hours each), content analysis of the hyper-video annotations written by students and lecturers, and semi-structured interviews with the lecturers and with actively-participating students. The log-analysis was conducted at the user level (n = 880) and at the video level (n = 37). Content analysis was based on the Community of Inquiry framework (Garrison et al. in Internet High Educ 2(2):87–105, 1999, Internet High Educ 13(1):5–9, 2010). The findings revealed that when hyper-video is integrated without academic credit, slightly over 10% of undergraduates chose active participation, beyond watching videos and reading others’ annotations. The majority of annotations were shared posts and replies (73–96%), rather than personal notes. Relative to the number of students, the rate of reading annotations was significantly higher in Course C. Accordingly, content analysis revealed significantly more \"cognitive presence\" and \"social presence\" codes in Course C, while the amount of \"teaching presence\" was similar in all courses. However, the three courses used the same interaction pattern of annotations: \"student’s question—lecturer’s answer\", without promoting peer feedback. The implications for educational theory and the pedagogical design of hyper-video in academia are discussed.

Fare and Grosskopf show that the monotonicity condition introduced by authors, including Hailu and Veeman, is consistent with the physical laws involved in the DEA model for measuring productivity. They cite that authors Hailu and Veeman's criticism of the weakly disposable model of technology is based on common misperception and misspecification of the model and that the authors fail to distinguish weak disposability from the choice of direction in which performance is measured.

This article challenges the view, voiced especially by S. Ogilvie, that the 'revisionist' interpretation of the history of craft guilds is wide of the mark. The paper suggests that Ogilvie oversimplifies the revisionist position; ignores significant new work on European crafts; as a result underestimates the role of the guilds in England and the Low Countries; and incorrectly presents her own case study of the Württemberg worsted industry as typical of European industry in general. Rather than a return to what amounts to a generalized eighteenth-century debunking of the guilds, the paper pleads for more quantitative and regionally specified investigations of the economic contributions of craft guilds.

This article examines Epstein's attempt to rehabilitate pre-modern craft guilds by criticizing my German case study. It demonstrates that his criticisms are baseless and his assertions about European guilds unsupported. Long survival does not establish the efficiency or aggregate economic benefits of any institution. Contrary to rehabilitation views, craft guilds adversely affected quality, skills, and innovation. Guild rent-seeking imposed deadweight losses on the economy and generated no demonstrable positive externalities. Industry flourished where guilds decayed. Despite impairing efficiency, guilds persisted because they redistributed resources to powerful groups. The 'rehabilitation' view of guilds is theoretically contradictory and empirically untenable.

A comment on a 1998 article by James W. Ainsworth-Darnell and Douglas B. Downey evaluating reasons for racial/ethnic differences in school performance suggests that their rejection of the oppositional culture hypothesis may be premature. Here, both their original data and a new data set are analyzed for samples of 4th- and 10th-grade black and white students using a more direct measure of the peer group rejection described by the oppositional culture hypothesis. It is suggested that Ainsworth-Darnell and Downey did not adequately consider the coping strategies used by academically oriented minority or low-income adolescents to remain popular within their own peer group despite opposition from that group toward academic performance. Suggestions are offered for further research. 2 Tables, 37 References. K. H. Stewart.

Antitrust law traditionally has used market shares to infer market power, making the relevant market a central issue. But Professor Louis Kaplow contends that the practice of delineating the relevant market should be abandoned because there is no coherent way to choose a relevant market without first formulating one's best assessment of market power, whereas the entire rationale for the market definition process is to enable an inference about market power. In this article, the author responds to these contentions. He documents important purposes, other than inferring market power, served by the relevant market and demonstrate that market delineation does not require a prior market power assessment. Consequently, he shows that the relevant market cannot be abandoned. Deemphasizing market delineation and market shares would be for the best in certain antitrust cases, but the relevant market continues to serves critical analytical and narrative purposes not equally well served by other tools.

In reply to a comment by George Farkas, Christy Lleras, and Steve Maczuga (2002) on the authors' analysis of the oppositional culture explanation of low academic performance by minority and low-income students, it is argued that the commentators misinterpreted the original study's conclusions. Specifically, no claim was made for the outright rejection of the oppositional culture hypothesis, and it is agreed that the hypothesis deserves further testing. However, problems are found with the commentators' empirical conclusions regarding the existence of an oppositional culture among black students, as well as with their claim of a 'disjuncture' between black student attitudes and academic behavior. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 8 References. K. H. Stewart.

Hailu explains further the DEA model for measuring productivity, citing that it does not qualify as the inner nonparametric bound, and the major difference between the weakly disposable and DEA model. He strongly argues that the weakly disposable model produces undesirable output shadow prices with incorrect signs for a large number of observations.

An investigation into the legal and political history of South Sea Company subscription finance shows that the subscription contracts had default options built into them, as was typically the case in eighteenth-century subscription financing. Company records and contemporary pamphlet literature show that people understood the subscription finance mechanics that were stated in law. A fair presentation of South Sea share value data also supports this view. We thus conclude that the analyses published in this journal by Dale, Johnson, and Tang were irretrievably flawed and present a substantially incorrect history of the markets for South Sea shares.

Jouventin et al. (2009) commented on the authors' paper on the use of UV-reflecting body regions of Antarctic penguins as signals for conspecific recognition (Meyer-Rochow and Shimoyama 2008). Here, the authors clarify that they did not argue that UV-vision cannot exist in penguins, but pointed out that the evidence in support of a specific role of UV-sensitivity in penguins, including king penguins (Aptenodytes patagonicus), is scant. The authors have not concluded, as Jouventin et al. (2009) assert, that their (or anybody elses) work is wrong, but that one has to be cautious in jumping to premature conclusions.