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\"One could almost use the word momentous, or the word epoch-making though epoch-ending might be more to the point ... I don't see how anyone henceforth can repeat the old cliches which Beard put into circulation forty years ago.\"—Frederick B. Tolles, Swarthmore College. \"American historians, particularly those who have given lectures or written books based on the Beard thesis, ignore Brown's book at their peril.\"—American Historical Review. Originally published in 1956. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction The Invasion of Virginia The Virginia House of Delegates The Council of State Monroe in Congress New States in the West Regulation of Commerce The Mississippi River Marriage and Return to Virginia The Constitution Monroe as Antifederalist The Virginia Ratification Convention The Race for Congress Conclusion Further Reading

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction The Philadelphia Convention and Confederation Congress The Run‐Up to Richmond The Array of Forces, and a Signal Victory Patrick Henry's Counterbalance The Mississippi Issue Antifederalists Range Far and Wide, and Federalists Calmly Reply Cautiously Optimistic Randolph's (and Nicholas's) Momentous Position The Climax Madison's Candidacies ‐ And Election Further Reading

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction Election to the U.S. Congress The First Congress and the National Tariff Madison and the Bill of Rights Hamiltonian Finance A Republican Congressman Madison's Congressional Legacy Further Reading

Conventional histories of the Constitution largely omit Natives. This Article challenges this absence and argues that Indian affairs played a key role in the Constitution's creation, drafting, and ratification. It traces two constitutional narratives about Indians: a Madisonian and a Hamiltonian perspective. Both views arose from the failure of Indian policy under the Articles of Confederation, when explicit national authority could not constrain states, squatters, or Native nations. Nationalists agreed that this failure underscored the need for a stronger federal state, but disagreed about the explanation. Madisonians blamed interference with federal treaties, whereas the Hamiltonians argued the federal military was too weak to overawe the \"savages.\" Both accounts resulted in constitutional remedies. More important than the Indian Commerce Clause, new provisions secured by the Madisonians declared federal treaties supreme law, barred state treatymaking, and provided exclusive federal power over western territories. But expansionist states won concessions guaranteeing federal protection and western land claims, while other provisions created a fiscal-military state committed to western expansion. The two narratives fared differently during ratification. While few embraced centralization, many Federalists repeatedly invoked \"savages\" to justify a stronger federal state and a standing army. This argument swayed Georgia, which ratified to secure federal aid in its ongoing war with the Creek Indians. But it also elevated the dispossession of Natives into a constitutional principle. The Article concludes by exploring this history's interpretive implications. It suggests the Indian affairs context unsettles conventional understandings of the Constitution as intended to restrain the power of the state, and challenges both originalist and progressive assumptions about constitutional history.

In A Kingdom of the Mind ethnographers, material culture specialists, and contributors from a wide variety of disciplines explore the impact of the Scots on Canadian life, showing how the Scots' image of their homeland and themselves played an important role in the emerging definition of what it meant to be Canadian.

This chapter contains all entries for G: Galicia to Gulag

Using data on state voting patterns, we examine the positions taken by state delegations on questions that arose over the course of the United States Constitutional Convention of 1787. Whereas existing accounts tend to assume that this type of collective decision making can be understood by linking fixed interests-either material or ideological-to specific, decontextualized propositions, we argue that the meaning of any one issue was dependent upon its position relative to other issues in the overall sequence of questions. Consequently, each decision changed the meaning of future issues, and hence how actors understood where their commonalities of interest lay. Devoted to the task of rebuilding the institutions that constituted the national state, delegates explicitly reshaped the board on which the political game would be played such that patterns of action within the Convention had implications for patterns of action outside of the Convention. As each subsequent decision within the Convention fixed a previous point of contention, it also indirectly determined which issues would become viable points of conflict in the future. By the end of the Convention, even before the first presidential election, state delegations began to arrange themselves in a manner consonant with the outlines of the first party system. This previously unrecognized finding only makes sense, however, in terms of a temporally contextualized model of political action.

The making of the Constitution was an international event consisting of envoys from the thirteen states seeking to devise a solution to two diplomatic and security crises, that amongst the units (states and regions) of the Confederation with one another and with foreign powers. Early America is often structured as a fixed “nation” in studies of the period, but it is perhaps more accurate to classify it as comprising a state‐system, one which was part of a larger international system. This article reviews how this dynamic and the role of diplomacy factored into constitutional reform in the 1780s by surveying the extant scholarship in the area and through analyzing debate at the Federal Convention and the reaction of the founders to the threat of internecine and foreign war during the Confederation. It concludes by discussing how its findings point to new lines of inquiry into the early American political experience.