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A city and, more generally, any locality, is conceived as the areal expression of the interests of some land-based elite. Such an elite is seen to profit through the increasing intensification of the land use of the area in which its members hold a common interest. An elite competes with other land-based elites in an effort to have growth-inducing resources invested within its own area as opposed to that of another. Governmental authority, at the local and nonlocal levels, is utilized to assist in achieving this growth at the expense of competing localities. Conditions of community life are largely a consequence of the social, econimic, and political forces embodied in this growth machine. The relevance of growth to the interests of various social groups is examined in this context, particularly with reference to the issue of unemployment. Recent social trends in opposition to growth are described and their potential consequences evaluated.

Education is usually seen as affecting society by socializing individuals. Recently this view has been attacked with the argument that education is a system of allocation, conferring success on some and failure on others. The polemic has obscured some of the interesing implications of allocation theory for socialization theory and for research on the effects of education. But allocation theory, too, focuses on educational effects on individuals being processed. It turns out to be a special case of a more general macrosociological theory of the effects of education as a system of legitimation. Education restructures whole populations, creating and expanding elites and redefining the rights and obligations of members. The institutional effects of education as a legitimation system are explored. Comparative and experimental studies are suggested.

Recent analysis suggests that the American business elite is differentiated along an \"inner group\" axis. At one end of the axis are those business people who are primary owners or top managers of several major corporations, collectively labeled the inner group, while at the other end are those who are connected with only a single major corporation. It is reasoned that, by virtue of their multiple corporate connections and the resulting transcendence of parochial corporate interests, inner group members would be more often involved in the governance of other institutions than would be other members of the business elite. Institutional governance includes the occupancy of top administrative posts and governing and advisory board positions of three types of institutions: nonprofit, nongovernment organizations, such as economic development and cultural organizations; local, state, and federal agencies; and major business policy associations. Drawing on a set of 2,003 directors of the nation's largest 797 corporations in 1969, and on director biographical information acquired from several sources, this study found that inner group members are substantially more likely, compared with other members of the business elite, to be involved directly in the governance of a range of institutions. Moreover, available evidence also indicates that the higher participation rate of inner group members is at least partly a result of their capacity to mobilize greater corporate resources and their involvement in a common, transcorporate social network. The evidence presented tentatively supports the thesis that the American business elite is differentiated along an inner group axis, at least with respect to the selection of business people to assist in the governance of other institutions. The inner group may be an important source of political leadership capable of promoting the more general interests of the entire capitalist class.

Philip Converse and other theorists have argued that the public at large does not have meaningful and stable attitudes. Specifically, they have argued that the public's attitudes, as compared to those of the political \"elite,\" show less stability over time and less consistency between issues and are less likely to be based upon an underlying ideological predisposition. These hypotheses have been supported, generally, by computing correlations between attitude questions and comparing them between public and elite samples. The present paper examines all three hypotheses using a structural equation approach. This allows us to: (a) test for a single common underlying ideological construct; (b) separate ideological stability from issue-specific stability; and (c) use unstandardized structural coefficients to make between-sample comparisons. Using panel data from 1972-1974-1976 national surveys, we find that both the highly educated and the uneducated public show evidence of an underlying ideological predisposition, show remarkable stability in their attitudes, and show equal consistency or constraint between different attitude issues.

The increasing power of large corporations is reflected in 1973 data showing that the 1,000 biggest enterprises in the US controlled 65% of sales, 86% of industrially employed persons, & almost 80% of all business profits. Examined are organizational & SC perspectives on corporations & the corporate elite within the US that address the following issues: (1) consideration of the corporate elite as a capitalist class; (2) assessment of organizational effects on unity & conflict within the corporate elite; (3) the impact of family background on attainment of managerial positions in corporations; & (4) the effect of elite organizations on corporate behavior. D. Dunseath.

This paper compares the predictive power of the concept of elite values with leader values, member values, and the three structural variables of complexity, centralization, and formalization. Elite values proved to be slightly better predictors than either leader values or complexity. When elite values and complexity were combined, there was a considerable increase in the amount of variance explained indicating that these variables are independent. Three contrasting definitions of the elite were considered but one proved a better predictor than the other two.

A survey of 120 top business leaders shows that economic attitudes were more liberal among those who participated in polici-planning organizations and in a policy-interaction network crossing institutional sectors. Participation was fostered by elite education; membership i elite clubs; and growing up in northeastern, urban, and big-business families. Cultural origins (region and size of birthplace, parent's religion, and generation) also exerted direct influence on economic attitudes.

This paper addresses a long-disputed issue: the degree of integration among political elites in the United States. This issue is examined through an investigation of the structure of an elite interaction network as revealed by recently developed procedures for network analysis. The data, taken from the American Leadership Study conducted by the Bureau of Applied Social Research in 1971 and 1972, consist of interviews with 545 leaders of major political, economic and social institutions. The study's wide institutional representation, sociometric data, and focus on major issues of the early 1970s make it virtually unique for examining elite integration.

In various towns of sub-Saharan Africa, new elite Africans are separated in friendship interaction from non-elite Africans. This division is understandable partly in terms of the elite's & non-elite's diff occup'al & SE circumstances. That is the low incomes of the non-elite prohibit them from participating in the leisure life of the elite. SE diff's, however, do not explain why the elite, with their greater wealth, choose to avoid the non-elite in leisure-time interaction. Rather, it is the elite's values, beliefs, & expectations of friendship which explain their separation from the non-elite. This paper, in order to examine further class structure among Ur Africans, analyzes their friendship culture. AA.