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"Eritrea Foreign relations."
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Understanding Eritrea : inside Africa's most repressive state
The most secretive, repressive state in Africa is hemorrhaging its citizens. In some months as many Eritreans as Syrians arrive on European shores, yet the country is not convulsed by civil war. Young men and women risk all to escape. Many do not survive - their bones littering the Sahara; their bodies floating in the Mediterranean. Still they flee, to avoid permanent military service and a future without hope. As the United Nations reported: 'Thousands of conscripts are subjected to forced labor that effectively abuses, exploits and enslaves them for years.' Eritreans fought for their freedom from Ethiopia for thirty years, only to have their revered leader turn on his own people. Independent since 1993, the country has no constitution and no parliament. No budget has ever been published. Elections have never been held and opponents languish in jail. International organizations find it next to impossible to work in the country. Nor is it just a domestic issue. By supporting armed insurrection in neighboring states it has destabilized the Horn of Africa. Eritrea is involved in the Yemeni civil war, while the regime backs rebel movements in Somalia, Ethiopia and Djibouti. This book tells the untold story of how this tiny nation became a world pariah.
Book
The Association Between Postnatal Depression, Acculturation and Mother–Infant Bond Among Eritrean Asylum Seekers in Israel
We examined the association between postnatal depression (PND), acculturation and mother–infant bond among 38 Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel, who were within 6 months of delivery. Participants completed a survey in their native language. A high rate of women (81.6 %) met the clinical threshold for PND on the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale. Higher severity of PND (partial r = -.64, p <.001), higher identification with Israeli culture (partial r = -.45, p = .02), and lower quality of romantic relationship were associated with impaired mother–infant bond (partial r = .58, p = .002). Findings highlight the need to establish services to screen and treat PND among this vulnerable population in the receiving countries.
Journal Article
Ethiopian-Eritrean wars.: (Eritrean war of independence, 1961-1988)
Reaching back on extensive studies of Ethiopian and Eritrean military history, this volume is providing a detailed account of the first 25 years of this conflict: from the outbreak of armed insurgency in 1961 until the crucial battle of Afabet, in 1988. It is illustrated by over 100 contemporary photographs, maps, and 15 colour profiles.
eBook
The Economic Policy of the Italian Administration in the Eritrean Colony in the Early 1920s: The Case of the Asmara Chamber of Commerce
This article analyses the brief history of the Eritrean Colony's Chamber of Commerce in the early 1920s and the intertwining of that institution's history with the advent of the Fascist regime. Upon taking power, Fascism did not immediately overturn Italy's approach to colonial and foreign policy. At least in the early years of the regime, it limited itself to breaking the chains of prudent liberal politics. The Chamber of Commerce of Asmara, which was supposed to represent, in an independent form, the economic and commercial interests of the companies of Italy's first-born colony, became a victim not of a new colonial policy but, rather, of the ideological straitjacket imposed by the regime. The Fascists had not formulated any programmes for the Italian colonies and would not devise a specific policy until the war with Ethiopia in the second half of the 1930s. This paper, drawing on both previously unpublished and already familiar documents in the Historical Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, investigates the social and economic context in which the Asmara Chamber of Commerce came to be established and the reasons for its premature dissolution.
Journal Article
Of Capital and Power: Italian Late-Colonial Policies in Eritrea at the Onset of the Federation with Ethiopia
Scholars of African history have often inquired into the relationship between government and business in the making of North-South relations after decolonization. The neo-colonial thesis maintained that the metropolitan governments undertook overt and covert actions to preserve the dominant position of their own multinational corporations in the newly independent African nations. Historians of British Africa have partially revisited this thesis, suggesting a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between political and economic actors. This article seeks to test these arguments in relation to the Italian case, looking at the early process of decolonization in Eritrea. In 1952, the former Italian colony passed from British to Ethiopian rule, but Italian companies maintained the dominant position they had enjoyed for decades. The analysis of the relationship between the Italian authorities, Italian companies and African administrations in Ethiopia and Eritrea suggests that government intervention was crucial to support the positions of Italian capital in the former colonies, at least in the first few years of the Federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia. But it also shows that this alliance was possible only thanks to the subjugation of the needs of capital to those of raison d'état. Methodologically, the article is based on material from the historical archives of the Bank of Italy, those of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the national archives of the United Kingdom, and the historical archives of the Italian bank Banco di Roma.
Journal Article
Iran in the Horn of Africa: Outflanking U.S. Allies
During the Cold War, the Horn of Africa emerged as arguably the most highly penetrated regional subsystem in the world. Not only the two superpowers, but Middle Eastern regional powers intervened in interstate and intrastate conflicts there. Three geostrategic factors drew foreign powers to the Horn of Africa: 1) its location across the Red Sea from the oil-rich Arabian Peninsula; 2) an almost 2,500-mile coastline (stretching from Eritrea's border with Sudan in the north to Somalia's border with Kenya in the south) lying astride the Red Sea and the South African Cape maritime routes; and 3) Ethiopia's control over the headwaters of the Blue Nile, which account for 90 percent of the waters of the Nile River system. The end of the Cold War greatly diminished the strategic value of the Horn of Africa in the eyes of Washington and Moscow. Washington began to re-engage strategically in the Horn following the August 7, 1998, bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, but this failed to prevent the October 2000 attack on the USS Cole in Yemen's harbor at Aden. Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the United States adopted a much more aggressive counterterrorism policy in the Horn of Africa. However, Washington's handling of conflicts in the Horn in the context of the U.S. global war on terrorism (GWOT) produced an unintended result: it provided Iran with an opportunity to increase its political and military influence in the region by forming a strategic alliance with Eritrea. On the surface, an Eritrean-Iranian alliance seems an unlikely partnership - a political and ideological mismatch between the Islamic Republic and a 'devoutly' secular Eritrean regime. The pragmatic strategic alliance between Eritrea and Iran stems from three developments: 1) the linkage that emerged at the beginning of the twenty-first century between the Somali irredentist threat in the Horn of Africa and the unresolved Eritrea-Ethiopia border conflict; 2) Eritrea's running afoul of U.S. counterterrorism/GWOT policy in Somalia; and 3) the unintended consequence of isolating Eritrea diplomatically, which allowed Iran to open a southern/western strategic flank against Israel and Saudi Arabia. Adapted from the source document.
Journal Article
Geopolitical Influence of the Gulf States in East Africa
The paper interrogates the establishment of bases and the projection of power by the Gulf states based on a long-term strategy using the case studies of the military bases in Djibouti and Eritrea. In addition, it looks at the theoretical underpinnings that try to explain the rivalry among states in international politics. The Gulf States have been flexing their muscles in East Africa as the proxy war between the Saudi led coalition and Iran has been raging. East Africa has been seen as an access or choke point to Yemen ports and the Bab el-Mandeb straight. The Saudi led coalition has been trying to leverage their financial power by setting up bases in Djibouti and Eritrea and supplying the forces fighting the Houthi (a Zaydi, Shiite group). Djibouti is hosting UAE, Saudi and other countries, while Eritrea is hosting a UAE base. The Somalia breakaway region, Somaliland will host UAE base that is currently under construction and the Saudis have a base in mainland Somalia as well. This force projection is being translated to power projection by the financial and other forms of assistance that are being provided by the Gulf States.
Journal Article
Introduction: Postliberation Eritrea
Collectively, the articles provide a deeper examination of the refugee-state-diaspora nexus through five case studies: (1) Assefaw Bariagaber's exploration of how globalization has facilitated the flow of refugees from Eritrea; (2) Victoria Bernal's discussion on how the information revolution has provided spaces for political engagement for Eritrean diasporas; (3) David Bozzini's discourse on political jokes among Eritrean youth conscripted for national service as a form of resistance to the power structure in Eritrea and also its limitation; (4) Amanda Poole's examination of how the Eritrean state functions as a gatekeeper state that financially supports itself through receiving ransoms from families of refugees and managing remittances and diasporas, which becomes a basis for its claims of self-sufficiency and autonomy from outsiders; and (5) Jennifer Riggan's essay on how debates on national duty in Eritrean classrooms link directly to the deeper and prac- tical meaning of citizenship of the refugee-diaspora nexus through how the students imagine emigration as a form of fulfilling national duty. Remittances and ransoms have made it possible for the Eritrean state to claim self-sufficiency and autonomy from outside forces, such as nongovernmental organizations, and other dependency from foreign aid. Since the 1998 border conflict, young men and women in national service have been transformed into sources of unlimited and cheap forced labor (Kibreab 2009).
Journal Article