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"Fascism Egypt History."
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Missed connection: relations between Italian anti-fascist emigration and British forces in Egypt (1940–1944)
Italian anti-fascists started to emigrate from the moment that Mussolini seized power. These émigrés, or fuorusciti, tried to organise themselves to put an end to Mussolini’s regime, but found themselves confronting a number of unexpected difficulties in their host countries. Among them, Giustiza e Libertà (GL) was one of the most active organisations. One of the problems they had to face was the issue of how best to deal with their hosts without compromising their integrity as Italians, and as patriots. The case of Paolo Vittorelli (Raffaele Battino), who is the subject of this article, presents a clear case study of this issue and shows how close collaboration between Italian anti-fascists and western democracies (in this case, the United Kingdom) was hindered by ideological problems. The study of such episodes helps us to shed light not only on the mentality of the GL émigrés, but also on the way the Italian Resistance would later approach the issue of working together with the Allies during the Italian campaign of 1943–1945. L’emigrazione antifascista italiana verso vari paesi iniziò con la presa del potere da parte di Mussolini. Questi emigrati, i cosiddetti fuorusciti, tentarono di organizzarsi per porre fine al regime mussoliniano e, particolarmente attivi in questo senso furono i membri dell’organizzazione Giustizia e Libertà (GL). Tuttavia, i fuorusciti si ritrovarono a dover far fronte a varie difficoltà nei paesi che li ospitavana. Uno dei vari problemi che dovettero affontare fu la decisione di come rapportarsi con i loro paesi ospiti, senza compromettere la loro integrità come italiani e come patrioti. L’esperienza di Paolo Vittorelli (Raffeale Battino) in Egitto, che è oggetto di questo articolo, presenta un caso-studio di questa problematica e mostra come una cooperazione più stretta tra le democrazie occidentali (in questo caso il Regno Unito) e gli antifascisti italiani fu compromessa da motivazioni ideologiche. Lo studio di episodi come questo può aiutare a far luce non solo sulla mentalità che permeava l’emigrazone italiana appartenente a GL, ma anche sul modo in cui, più tardi, la Resistenza italiana avrebbe affrontato il problema della cooperarazione con gli Alleati durante la campagna d’Italia (1943-1945).
Journal Article
Art Education and the Emergence of Radical Art Movements in Egypt: The Surrealists and the Contemporary Arts Group, 1938–1951
This study of Egyptian aesthetics interprets the historical and political context of artistic discourse in the early twentieth century. In a period marked by intense struggle between landlords and rural laborers during the Depression and World War II, I compare the rise of the Egyptian Surrealists from the late 1930s, and the Contemporary Art Group from the late 1940s, with the discourse of the Egyptian nationalist \"nahdah\" or Renaissance that arose from the late 1920s. Polemical discourse by the Egyptian Surrealists from the late 1930s was set amid institutional struggles, specifically in the rise of art teachers who argued against an elite academicism that sought to dominate Egyptian artistic discourse. The critique by the Surrealists was in the context of mass political mobilization against the old regime and large landowners, which culminated in the revolts and coup of 1952. These aesthetics interacted with two central issues: Egyptian peasant struggles against capitalist agriculture; and the problem of nationalism and the state, as a reconfiguration of the political economy. In response to these critical issues, discourse about contemporary art and unevenness of daily life transcended the epistemology of the modern or the contemporary as temporal categories that set themselves off as historical transitions. (Contains 115 notes.)
Journal Article
Al-Fajr al-Jadid: A Breeding Ground for the Emergence of Revolutionary Ideas in the Immediate Post-Second World War
This article claims that all of the objectives put forth by the Egyptian revolutionary regime appeared in the leftist journal al-Fajr al-Jadid several years prior to the July 1952 revolution. The authors' central claim is also that the essentials of Nasserism including its basic tenets neutralism, pan-Arabism, and Arab socialism were clearly articulated in al-Fajr al-Jadid. Although there is no clear-cut evidence to show the existence of neither political nor ideological direct links between Nasser and the al-Fajr al-Jadid's group, this article clearly demonstrates the existence of remarkable ideological textual similarities between Nasserite's and al-Fajr al-Jadid's revolutionary ideas.
Journal Article
Egyptian Liberalism in an Age of “Crisis of Orientation”: Al-Risāla'S Reaction to Fascism and Nazism, 1933–39
The 1930s are generally represented as a decade of crisis in Egypt's liberal experiment. In this conventional interpretation, a clear and acute expression of the crisis can be found in the intellectual discourse. The transition of Egyptian intellectuals to the large-scale production of Islamic literature (islāmiyyāt), books and texts dealing with classical Islamic themes and heroes, particularly biographies of the Prophet and al-Khulafā⊂ al-Rāshidün, is presented as “the crisis of orientation.” This intellectual crisis is depicted as a general abandonment of the Western modernist project by intellectuals who, until that time, had advocated a progressive, rational, and liberal orientation and had assumed that the adoption of European ideas, values, and practices en masse was essential for the modernization of Egypt and its formation into a modern nation-state. Now, in the early 1930s, by enthusiastically embracing Islamic themes, the intellectuals were carrying out a “complete retreat on all these fronts.”
Journal Article
A place in the sun : Africa in Italian colonial culture from post-unification to the present
Given the centrality of Africa to Italy's national identity, a thorough study of Italian colonial history and culture has been long overdue. Two important developments, the growth of postcolonial studies and the controversy surrounding immigration from Africa to the Italian peninsula, have made it clear that the discussion of Italy's colonial past is essential to any understanding of the history and construction of the nation. This collection, the first to gather articles by the most-respected scholars in Italian colonial studies, highlights the ways in which colonial discourse has pervaded Italian culture from the post-unification period to the present. During the Risorgimento, Africa was invoked as a limb of a proudly resuscitated Imperial Rome. During the Fascist era, imperialistic politics were crucial in shaping both domestic and international perceptions of the Italian nation. These contributors offer compelling essays on decolonization, exoticism, fascist and liberal politics, anthropology, and historiography, not to mention popular literature, feminist studies, cinema, and children's literature. Because the Italian colonial past has had huge repercussions, not only in Italy and in the former colonies but also in other countries not directly involved, scholars in many areas will welcome this broad and insightful panorama of Italian colonial culture.
eBook
IDENTITY AND CHURCH: ETHIOPIAN–EGYPTIAN DIALOGUE, 1924–59
In June 1959, Emperor Haile Sellassie of Ethiopia paid a visit to President Gamel Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic, during which the two leaders aired matters of acute strategic importance. Several issues, some touching the very heart of ancient Ethiopian–Egyptian relations, were in the stages of culmination. These included a bitter dispute over the Nile waters (some four-fifths of the water reaching Egypt originates in Ethiopia1), the emergence of an Arab-inspired Eritrean movement, Egyptian support of Somali irredentism, the Ethiopian alliance with Israel, the future of Pan-African diplomacy, and Soviet and American influences.2 Both leaders did their best to publicly ignore their conflicts. They were able to use a rich, though polarized, reservoir of mutual images in their speeches to emphasize the dimensions of old neighborliness and affinity.3 In a joint announcement issued during the farewell party of 28 June, they even underlined a common policy of non-alignment. Though they hinted at the issues mentioned earlier in all their public speeches, they refrained from referring to one culminating historical drama.4 On that very same day, in the main Coptic church of Cairo, the Egyptian Coptic Patriarch Kyrillos VI had ceremonially appointed the head of the Ethiopian church, Abuna Baselyos, as a patriarch in the presence of Haile Sellassie and Egyptian officials. In so doing, he declared the Orthodox Ethiopian church autocephalous, and for the first time since the early 4th century, the Ethiopian church had become independent of the Egyptian church.
Journal Article
Italian schools in Egypt
This paper analyses the relevance of the Italian schools in Egypt from 1922 to 1940. The Italian fascist regime made a concerted effort to improve the quality of its schools abroad in order to enrol the greatest number of children from the families of the large Italian colony. Their aim was to improve their chances of finding a job in Egypt after leaving school and to indoctrinate them with the fascist ideology. This effort failed because of the changes brought about by the abolition of Capitulations in Egypt (1937), and because the Italian anti-Semitic laws (1938) led the Italian Jews of Egypt to send their children to French and British schools. In 1940, with Italy's entry into World War II, all the Italian schools in Egypt were closed by the Egyptian authorities.
Journal Article
GEORGES SOREL AND COLONIALISM: THE CASE OF EGYPT
SOREL VIEWED COLONIALISM AS A VIOLENT CONFLICT BETWEEN COLONIZED AND COLONIZER AND SAW A POTENTIAL FOR REVOLUTION IN THE COLONIAL WORLD. THIS CONTRASTED TO THE MARXIST THEORY OF A PROLETERIAN REVOLUTION OCCURRING WHERE THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF CAPITALISM WAS AT ITS HIGHEST STAGE. LACKING KNOWLEDGE OF HILBERDING'S AND LENIN'S ANALYSES OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CAPITALISM AND IMPERIALISM SOREL ARRIVED AT HIS OWN ANALYSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE COLONIAL SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONS. SOREL'S PARTICULAR INTEREST WAS IMPERIALISM, SPECIFICALLY BRITISH POLICY IN EGYPT. SOREL'S ANALYSIS OF THIS FORMS THE ARTICLE.
Journal Article