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Chinese society has experienced a dramatic change over the past several decades, which has had a profound impact on its household system. Utilizing the Chinese national census and 1% population survey data from 1982 to 2015, this study demonstrates the transition of the Chinese household structure through typology analyses. Five typical regional household structure types—large lineal, large nuclear, small nuclear, mixed lineal, and small and diverse—are identified. Our findings demonstrate that since the 1980s, the household system in almost all Chinese regions has evolved from a large unitary model to a small diversified one. However, this evolutionary path diverged after 2000 and formed two distinct household structure systems. There are also significant regional differences in the transition trajectory. Influenced by developmental, cultural, and demographic factors, the regions exhibit four distinct transition paths: lineal tradition, nuclear retardation, smooth transition, and fast transition. On the basis of these results, we discuss family modernization and other theories in explaining the transition of the Chinese household structure.

Recent research has documented the relatively poor performance of boys, especially those from single-mother households, on a number of outcomes. Differences in noncognitive skills are often cited as a main contributing factor. However, we still know little about the underlying mechanisms driving differences in noncognitive skills and other outcomes. This article provides empirical evidence that parental time investments, defined as the amount of time that parents spend participating in activities with their child, change differentially by child gender following a transition from a two-parent to single-mother household. Boys experience larger investment reductions following the change in household structure, which may help facilitate previously documented gender gaps in noncognitive skills for those in single-mother households. Boys lose an estimated additional 3.8 hours per week in fathers’time investments, nearly 30% of average weekly paternal investments across the sample. The difference is increasing with age, concentrated in leisure and entertainment activities, with little to no evidence that mothers increase investments in boys relative to girls after such transitions.

This article gives a concise overview of the theoretical development of the concept of the “second demographic transition” since it was coined in 1986, its components, and its applicability, first to European populations and subsequently also to non-European societies as well. Both the demographic and the societal contrasts between the first demographic transition (FDT) and the second demographic transition (SDT) are highlighted. Then, the major criticisms of the SDT theory are outlined, and these issues are discussed in the light of the most recent developments in Europe, the United States, the Far East, and Latin America. It turns out that three major SDT patterns have developed and that these evolutions are contingent on much older systems of kinship and family organization. Significance At the end of the historical declines in both mortality and fertility (the “first demographic transition”), new demographic phenomena developed in the Western World. Therefore, new theoretical frameworks were needed to explain features such as the baby bust, the systematic postponement of marriage and parenthood, subreplacement fertility, the rise of alternative forms of partnerships, and parenthood outside marriage. The “second demographic transition” (SDT) theory is such an attempt. Although it accepts the major tenets of bounded rational economic choice, it also allows for autonomous preference drift by relying on Maslow’s theory of shifting needs. As such, an essentially cultural component is being added.

The interactions between household size, capital, and adaptation to social-ecological change has been widely studied; however, little is known about the differences in everyday adaptation to social-ecological change across household structures. Joint family households are increasing in contexts where the nuclear family had previously been the norm, and remains a prevalent structure throughout the world. Thus, it is important to understand how these structures influence adaptation decision-making processes and outcomes. We draw on a survey of 448 self-identified household heads in three communities in northwestern Pakistan to assess everyday adaptation to social-ecological change. We demonstrate that livelihood and adaptation strategies vary across joint and nuclear family household structures because, in part, of joint family households’ greater access to natural and human capital in comparison to nuclear family households. Finally, household livelihood decision makers often include other family members to expand beyond the often-assumed husband-wife dyad. Our work highlights how everyday adaptations are expressions of existing opportunities in the space in which households are located, access to capital and resources that differ across household structures, and of various dynamics associated with household decision making. This points to the need for a nuanced understanding of how household structure influences everyday adaptation to social-ecological change and thereby shows the ways in which adaptive capacity is embedded within existing social systems and relationships, such as household structures.

Balancing work and caregiving demands is a critical challenge for working parents with young children. Workplace flexibility can serve to promote parent-child interactions by enhancing the coordination of work and family responsibilities. Using longitudinal data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Survey-Birth Cohort (ECLS-B), the study examined three potential sources of workplace flexibility—access to flexible schedules, working from home, and part-time employment—and their associations with the frequency of parent–child interactions (i.e., enrichment activities and daily routines) among parents with young children, with a particular focus on gender, household structures, and income. The results indicated that working from home and part-time employment were associated with more frequent enrichment parent–child interactions for mothers, while flexible schedules were associated with greater daily routine interactions for fathers. The positive associations between working from home and parent–child interactions were more pronounced among low-income mothers than mid- and high-income mothers. Fathers working parttime in dual-earner households more frequently interacted with their children than those in single-earner households. These findings suggest that distinctive types of workplace flexibility may work differently across gender, household structure, and household income.

Living in a doubled-up, or shared, household is a common experience. Nearly one-half of children in the United States double up at some point during childhood, yet we know little about the cumulative effects of these households on children. This study estimates the effects on young adult health and educational attainment of childhood years spent in three doubled-up household types: (1) those formed with children’s grandparent(s), (2) those formed with children’s adult sibling(s), and (3) those formed with other extended family or non-kin adults. Using marginal structural models and inverse probability of treatment weighting—methods that account for the fact that household composition is both a cause and consequence of other family characteristics—I find that doubling up shapes children’s life chances, but the effects vary depending on children’s relationships with household members. Childhood years spent living with nongrandparent extended family or non-kin adults are associated with worse young adult outcomes, but coresidence with grandparents is not significantly associated with young adult outcomes after selection into these households is accounted for, and coresidence with adult siblings may be beneficial in some domains. By studying the effects of coresidence with adults beyond the nuclear family, this research contributes to a fuller understanding of the implications of family complexity for children.

In the U.S., households with less than one car per driver (auto-deficit households) are more than twice as common as zero-vehicle households. Yet we know very little about these households and their travel behavior. In this study, therefore, we examine whether car deficits, like carlessness, are largely a result of financial constraint or of other factors such as built environment characteristics, household structure, or household resources. We then analyze the mobility outcomes of car-deficit households compared to the severely restricted mobility of carless households and the largely uninhibited movement of fully-equipped households, households with at least one car per driver. Data from the California Household Travel Survey show that car-deficit households are different than fully-equipped households. They have different household characteristics, travel less, and are more likely to use public transit. While many auto-deficit households have incomes that presumably enable them to successfully manage with fewer cars than adults, low-income auto-deficit households are—by definition—income constrained. Our analysis suggests that low-income car-deficit households manage their travel needs by carefully negotiating the use of household vehicles. In so doing, they travel far more than carless households and use their household vehicles almost as much as low-income households with at least one car per driver. These results suggest that the mobility benefits of having at least one car per driver are more limited than we had anticipated. Results also indicate the importance of transportation and employment programs to ease the potential difficulties associated with sharing cars among household drivers.

As populations age and longevity rises, the structure of the extended family is changing. Parents of young children are increasingly turning to the children’s grandparents to provide childcare and help them reconcile work and family. This study is the first to investigate whether would-be grandparents’propensity to care for their grandchildren influences the adult children’s transition to parenthood. Because grandparental childcare provision is not observable at the time of the transition to the first birth, I built a measure based on the characteristics of both actual grandparents and adult children to act as a proxy for the childcare that prospective grandparents are expected to provide in the future. Using data from the first two waves of the Survey of Health, Aging, and Retirement in Europe, I examine changes in the likelihood of having a first birth by different levels of expected future childcare provision. Given that the role grandparents play varies depending on the national context, I estimate distinct models for different groups of countries. Furthermore, I analyze different intensities of grandparental childcare: regular, occasional, and any other type of positive childcare. The comparison across 11 countries reveals that grandparental propensity to provide occasional childcare has a positive effect on the transition to parenthood in all country clusters and that grandparental propensity to provide regular childcare has a positive and significant association with having a first child in both pro-natalist (Belgium and France) and pro-traditional countries (Austria, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland).

Background In Bulgaria, where over half of households with dependent children are led by a single parent, family structure may influence the types and intensity of support needed by families raising children with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). This study aims to examine the differences in perceived needs of families of children with ASD based on household structure, providing insights for tailored support strategies. Methods A cross-sectional study design was conducted in 2024, including 89 children with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) (79.8% male, 20.2% female, aged 3-13 years) from North-East Bulgaria, whose parents were visiting pediatric care and willing to participate. Emotional, social, educational, and physical needs were assessed using a 5-point Likert scale (1 = completely unmet, 5 = fully met), and data were analyzed using Jamovi (version 2.6.23), with statistical significance set at p < 0.05. The Mann-Whitney U test compared unmet needs between children from single-parent and two-parent households. Results Children from single-parent households reported significantly greater unmet emotional (U = 325, p = .03), social (U = 341, p = .04), and educational (U = 318, p = .02) needs, with male children having higher social support needs. In contrast, two-parent households expressed greater need for specific child-related services, including treatment information (U = 289, p < .001), financial assistance (U = 356, p = .037), and support for communication, play (U = 344, p = .019), and healthy development (U = 338, p = .024). Conclusions This study highlights the unique needs of single-parent and two-parent households raising children with ASD. Single-parent families face greater emotional and developmental challenges, while two-parent families report higher demands for support in service access and child development. These findings emphasize the need for tailored, family-centered interventions to provide comprehensive support based on household structure. Key messages • Single-parent families raising children with autism in Bulgaria face greater emotional, social, and educational needs. • Two-parent families need more support for services, financial assistance, and child development.

Despite having more similar roles at work and home than ever before, US men and women continue to exhibit different travel behavior. An open question is whether the remaining gender differences in travel differ by traditional and emergent aspects of household structure such as spouse/partner presence, parenthood, and breadwinner status. Using data from the 2003–2010 American Time Use Survey, this study offers a unique, empirical travel time analysis of metropolitan workers stratified by household structure. Results show that gender differences in travel time respond to multiple aspects of household structure in complex and interactive ways. Gender difference in work travel time is only observable when spouse/partner presence and parenthood interact, i.e., in couple households with children. Gender difference in household support travel reacts to parenthood but not spouse/partner presence. Gender difference in travel time between employed females and employed males in single-breadwinner couples is no different from gender difference in double-breadwinner couples. The results call for policy initiatives and research inquiries that pay greater attention to the large gender disparities in work travel in couple households with children and the large gender disparities in household support travel in all households with children including single-parent households. Although incapable of ruling out the influences of internalized gender differences (e.g., preference theory) and gendered structural contexts (e.g., labor market segmentation), the findings provide clear evidence that traditional gender roles and relations remain operative in contemporary households in the US.