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Our previous research, based on cross-sectional data, provided prima facie evidence of a reciprocal relationship between the substantive complesity of men's work and their intellectual flexibility. The present study employs longitudinal data to make a more definitive assessment. Using maximum-likelihood confirmatory factor analysis to separate measurement error from real change, it develops measurement models for both substantive complexity and intellectual flexibility. These models whos that, over a 10-year time span, the \"stability\" of both variables, shorn of measurment error, is high, that of intellectual flexibility specially so. Nevertheless, a structural equation causal analysis demonstrates that the effect of the substantive complexity of work on intellectual flexibility is real and remarkably strong-on the order of one-fourth is great as the effect of men's earlier levels of intellectual flexibility on their present intellectual flexibility. The reciprocal effect of intellectual flexibility on substantive complexity is even more pronounced. This effect, however, is not contemporaneous but, rather, a lagged effect occurring more gradually over time.

Using a nationally representative sample of six to eleven-year-old children, we examine the relationship between socioeconomic status and ability in the light of the potential mediating effects of family structure and childhood experience. Comparisons are made across verbal and nonverbal dimensions of ability using LISREL techniques. The findings show that a substantial portion of the effects of socioeconomic indicators on ability can be interpreted in terms of conditions within the family environment. These effects seem more important for the enhancement of verbal abilities than nonverbal ones.

Tentative reconsiderations of certain features & the pattern of coordinates into which intellectuals & intellectual traditions are usually set within the Russian context are presented. One of these features is the existence in Russian history from the late 1860's on of the term `intelligentsia.' This conveyed at one & the same time a sociol'al concept, a psychol'al characterization, & a moral code. The following are seen to characterize the Russian intelligentsia: (1) a deep concern for problems & issues of public interest-soc, econ, cultural, & pol'al; (2) a sense of guilt & personal responsibility for the state & the solution of these problems & issues; (3) a propensity to view pol'al & soc questions as moral ones; (4) a sense of obligation to seek ultimate logical conclusions-in thought as well as in life-at whatever cost; (5) the conviction that things are not as they should be, & that something should be done. In this context, the life & role of intellectuals in Russia in an age of 'revolutionary' reforms (under the reign of Peter the Great) & in times of stabilization & 'enlightened despotism' (mid18th cent) are considered. The idea of a free & autonomous intellectual activity did not arise in Russia until the early 19th cent; this is seen as the '1st generation' of the Russian intelligentsia. Nihilism was a central phenomenon for the '2nd generation'-the intellectuals of the 1860's. Predominant issues & att's are described. From the 1890's on a new type of intellectual began to emerge with a gradual formation of new intellectual roles & sporadic attempts at their legitimation, with some new patterns of participation in soc & pol'al movements. Within 3 decades the intellectual stratum became more clearly structured; its roles & functions were diff'iated, & its place in society was no longer questioned. 'This marked the end of the intelligentsia.' The heirs of the intelligentsia of the 1860's were intellectuals & professional revolutionaries. Oct 1917 was a victory for neither the intelligentsia nor the intellectuals. Intellectuals, like the anarchists themselves, were among the most defeated victims. M. Maxfield.

Karl Mannheim's work, in particular his conception of the 'free floating intelligentsia,' is explored. The role of the soc'ly unattached intelligentsia is seen as the thread which ties together the various general treatments of intellectual strata Mannheim offered. Mannheim's writings are divided into 4 basic stages: (a) published before 1929-the intelligentsia is seen as relatively unimportant; (b) the appearance of IDE- OLOGY AND UTOPIA-in which the modern intelligentsia is seen as the potential formulators of a pol'al synthesis which would make possible the reconstruction & unification of European society; (c) the early 1930's-during which Mannheim's analysis of the modern intelligentsia becomes much more sci'fic; & (d) Mannheim's last writings, which show increasing pessimism about the possibilities of the modern intelligentsia playing any positive role in soc reconstruction. Here 'democratization of culture' is seen as destroying the peculiar freefloating quality that formerly characterized the intellectual stratum. The methodological implications for modern soc sci of Mannheim's analysis of the unattached intellectual are discussed. Concepts of empathy, marginality, ambivalent motivation, cultural decay, & the idea of the uprooting of an upper stratum are dealt with. In conclusion, it is noted that the 4 stages of Mannheim's analysis of the intelligentsia recapitulate the phases in the thought of Karl Marx to a large extent, & it is said that 'Mannheim tried to do for the intellectuals what Marx had done for the workers.' M. Maxfield.

A review of the analysis of Soviet intelligentsia by L. G. Churchward (The Soviet Intelligentsia: An Essay on the Social Structure and Roles of Soviet Intellectuals During the 1960s, London & Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973). Churchward presents \"a structural analysis of the Soviet intelligentsia's origins, current functions, & likely future roles\" with \"objectivity, conciseness, & a balanced choice of data & documentation.\" But, due to his \"theoretical position\" or the official Soviet language & structural-functional language which he incorporates into his work, Churchward has made errors in his analysis. Another problem with the work is the omission of the relationship of the Soviet intelligentsia to other aspects of Soviet society. They are likened to an insecure weather forecaster who uses today's weather as tomorrow's forecast just to be safe. The Soviet intelligentsia's protests of the 1960s were not a \"silent revolution,\" but the final attempts of the intelligentsia to salvage its position in Soviet society. L. Milner.

Issues in the contemporary \"politics of interpretation\" are reviewed, focusing on: (1) the circumstances of information & knowledge production; (2) the conception of audience currently accepted by producers; & (3) the special political role (if any) played by humanist intellectuals. The initially \"populist\" tendencies of French & US New Criticism in the 1950s & 1960s & their progressive narrowing within academic circles are discussed as indicators of current intellectual elitism. The division of literary from other textual analysis (& of literary from all other forms of representation) is also examined as a depoliticizing influence, citing the Marxist criticism of Fredric Jameson & Terry Eagleton as illustrative of the \"closed\" literary community. Finally, the restricting of audience among US critics is analyzed in relation to neoconservative ideologies (eg, promotion of free enterprise, reindustrialization, & the remystification of science). L. Whittemore.

A historical sketch of the professionalization of Portuguese intellectuals during the first half of the nineteenth century. Many intellectuals began double careers as masters of belles lettres & as journalists for the newspapers of the various political parties in the incipient stages of the parliamentary monarchy. Later, under the dictatorial conditions of the Costa Cabral regime, intellectuals sought to form a united front to ensure their autonomy as producers of culture & to guarantee their job security within the governmental system. Modified HA.

Recent trends have led to a decline in intellectual history as a distinct discipline. However, intellectual history has gained a new importance through the insights it offers into many areas of study. Many recent works cannot be classified as intellectual history per se, yet owe much to the history of ideas -- for example, Keith Thomas's Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England (London, 1971). Unlike traditional intellectual history, the new approach is characterized not by its sources but by the questions it poses, & by its willingness to consider the creation of meaning by elite groups. The role of linguistics in the study of intellectual history has received little attention, but should prove of great importance. B. Annesser.