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Despite the significant importance of the non-profit sector, there is a relative limitation of possible modeling related to the management of the Non-Profit Institutions (NPIs). The studies and the research are concentrated in the analysis of the characteristics and the limitations related to the NPIs, rather than to the identification of possible models that can guarantee virtuous paths to these organizations. This book provides hypothetical trajectories for the construction of a theoretical model of reference for the management of NPIs-it accounts for the difficulties and the peculiarities of the non-profit sector, without however renouncing the concrete necessity and the great importance of approaches that try to avoid, or limit, the search for hybrid approaches constituted by the simple \"transplant\" of tools and techniques taken from the market or from the public administration context. Ultimately, it asserts that the non-profit sector is increasingly becoming the \"pillar\" on which modern civil society stands, to move toward a better future. The main aims of this book are to identify a link between accountability, responsibility and public trust in NPIs through a potential multidimensional managerial model in which these conceptual elements can be represented in a coordinated and systemic way. It will be of interest to researchers, academics, policymakers and students in the fields of public and non-profit management, business management and administration, and public administration.

Abstract Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, China’s overseas interests have been faced with a growing array of multidimensional threats. China has carried out legislative and institutional reforms, forming a “vertical-horizontal model” for interagency cooperation and government-society fusion. The central government of China has passed a series of legislative acts to legalise China’s protection of overseas interests, a top-down vertical governance. Parallel ministries, departments, and offices have formed task-based institutions through consultation to promote China’s overseas interest protection, thereby establishing a cross-sectoral horizontal governance mechanism. The implementation of the “vertical-horizontal model,” however, confronts an array of hurdles, with heavy bureaucracy potentially giving rise to problems such as inefficiency and collective irresponsibility.

The authors address issues of representation - the move to a proportional electoral system in New Zealand, the unsuccessful attempt to establish a domestic head of state in Australia, and the reform of the British House of Lords - and demonstrate that citizens increasingly want legislative institutions to more closely reflect the societies they serve. To discuss responsiveness, the governance of indigenous communities and their place within the broader society in Canada and New Zealand are examined, as is the role of institutions other than legislatures that are involved in protecting minority rights and responding to various forms of diversity. A separate chapter analyses the basis for and merits of proposals to reform the Canadian House of Commons. In addition, authors review the dynamics of federalism, intergovernmental relations, and other processes of multi-level governance in Canada, the United Kingdom, and South Africa. Public debate about adapting governance processes to changing conditions and citizen values is a necessary condition of successful democracies and there is much to learn from progress and false starts in other parliamentary democracies. Contributors include Jonathan Boston (Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand), Paul Chartrand (consultant, Victoria, British Columbia), Stéphane Dion (minister of Intergovernmental Relations, Government of Canada), David Docherty, Mason Durie (Massey University), Robert Hazell (University College London), Christina Murray (University of Cape Town), Cheryl Saunders (University of Melbourne), Leslie Seidle, Jennifer Smith (Dalhousie University), and Lord Wakeham (former chairman of the Royal Commission on House of Lords Reform).

It is estimated that the proceeds of crime, corruption and tax evasion represent between $1 trillion and $1.6 trillion per year, with half coming from developing countries. Proceeds are typically transferred abroad and hidden in foreign jurisdictions, thus requiring international cooperation. Various international conventions and agreements require international cooperation on this issue, in particular the United Nations Convention against Corruption; however, only $5 billion in stolen assets have been repatriated over the last 15 years. This enormous gap reveals that significant barriers continue to impede asset recovery despite the commitments taken by governments, civil society and the private sector. Drawing on the experience of practitioners with hands-on experience, the Stolen Asset Recovery (StAR) Initiative launched this study to identify the barriers to stolen asset recovery internationally, provide brief analysis of the impact of these barriers, and propose recommendations for overcoming these obstacles. This volume is intended to guide policy makers in their efforts to ensure necessary resources and the development of a plan, policy or strategy aimed at eradicating the barriers to asset recovery. In addition, this study proposes actions to be taken by the G20, international organizations, financial institutions, developmental agencies and civil society.

The COVID-19 pandemic has been a wake-up call for many aspects of our daily lives. Nurse regulators have had to respond quickly to many of the challenges that the profession has faced. Some solutions have been formulated on sound evidence and represent an appropriate and rational response to what could be described as long-overdue change. Other solutions have been less than ideal and have functioned as a stopgap or trade-off between two or more less than ideal scenarios. In this article we begin with a brief synopsis of pandemics. We then describe the method, results and discussion, and limitations of our analysis of legislative changes pertinent to professional regulation. Our analysis and conclusions reflect on lessons learned, identify opportunities that should be consolidated into permanent change, and discuss issues that need to be addressed if we are to be better prepared for the next pandemic.

The phenomenon of domestic violence is as old as humanity itself, but legal protection against violence both internationally and nationally begins to be provided very late. In the Republic of North Macedonia, until 2004, there was no legal protection of victims of domestic violence, nor was adequate sanctioning of perpetrators. Only since 2004, with the amendments and additions to the Criminal Code in the criminal sphere, and the Law on the Family in the civil sphere, the phenomenon of domestic violence began to receive due legal attention, with the application of provisions for the sanctioning of perpetrators and temporary measures protection for victims.The adoption of the Istanbul Convention (The Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence) and its ratification in 2018 undoubtedly contributed to the Republic of North Macedonia undertaking a series of reforms in the field of domestic violence. So initially, in 2021, the new Law on domestic violence was adopted in harmony with the principles of the Istanbul Convention, whereas in 2023 the Law on the amendment of the Criminal Code was adopted. This law focused on changes in criminal offenses related to domestic violence and gender-based violation, as well as the incorporation of new criminal offenses in this regard.These legislative reforms, especially the amendments approved in February 2023 which are of particular importance in the prevention and fight against domestic violence and violence against women in the Republic of North Macedonia are the focus of this research. Here we have analyzed and commented the approved changes to the Criminal Code of RNM.

We discuss options to reform the EU genetically modified organisms (GMO) regulatory framework, make risk assessment and decision-making more consistent with scientific principles, and lay the groundwork for international coherence. The first in a three-part series, this article focuses on reform options related to the scope of the legislation and the GMO definition.

Here, we discuss options to reform the EU genetically modified organism (GMO) regulatory framework, to make risk assessment and decision-making more consistent with scientific principles, and to lay the groundwork for international coherence. We discussed the scope and definitions in a previous article and, thus, here we focus on the procedures for risk assessment and risk management.

Transnational environmental crimes threaten serious harm to ecosystems, biodiversity, and human health and have attracted international attention in recent years. India, being a country with a high degree of biodiversity and a unique geographical position, holds strategic importance in curbing illegal wildlife trade, logging, marine degradation, and dumping of e-wastes. To confront the challenges, India has implemented legislative reforms, technology upgrades, and capacity building. But obstacles of resource scarcity, red tape, and intricacy in multilateral cooperation have resulted in slow progress. These crimes tend to have worldwide networks, requiring concerted international action involving governments, agencies, and civil society. As India emerges as a world leader in environmental protection, developing partnerships and encouraging information exchange will be critical. This article emphasizes the eco-consequences of such crimes, reviews India's aggressive measures through international cooperation, and discusses current challenges. Finally, it underlines India's new role as a world steward committed to preserving natural heritage and pursuing sustainable development.\"