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Brazil is the world's sixth largest economy, has played a key role as one of the 'pink wave' administrations in Latin America, and was also responsible for wrecking the US-sponsored proposal for a Free Trade Area of the Americas. It is also one of the few large countries where social spending has risen and the distribution of income has improved in the last thirty years. However, as protests during the World Cup in 2014 have shown, the country remains highly unequal, unmet social needs are vast and its infrastructure is precarious. Alfredo Saad-Filho and Lecio Morais review the paradox that is modern-day Brazil. Focusing on the period from 1980 onwards, they analyse the tensions between the two systemic transitions to have dominated the country: the political transition from military rule to democracy, and to neoliberalism. The authors show how these transitions had contradictory logics and dynamics, yet ultimately became mutually supportive as they unfolded and intertwined.

ABSTRACT This interview with Prof. Dr. Brian Morgan from York University presents some of Dr. Morgan and Dr. Ferraz's perspectives in relation to language education in Canada and Brazil. The conversation plunges into essential topics to be problematized by language educators from both countries: neoconservative politics, neoliberalism, plurilingualism, philosophy of language (Derrida, Bakhtin, Foucault, Deleuze), cultural studies, teacher education, teaching practices. Brian Morgan invites us to go through a process of further thinking in terms of: 1. The Neoliberal agenda within educational policies and actions, 2. The relationship between theories (philosophies of language, cultural studies) and practices (how such theories impact - or not - public teachers' pedagogical practices), 3. The design of pedagogical projects (e.g., the Get Involved Project, MONTE MOR; MORGAN, 2014) that provide critical spaces for working within and against neoliberal agendas. RESUMO Esta entrevista com o Prof. Dr. Brian Morgan da Universidade de York apresenta as perspectivas dos professores Morgan e Ferraz em relação à educação linguística no Canadá e no Brasil. A conversa focaliza temas essenciais para a educação linguística em ambos os contextos: políticas neoconservadoras, neoliberalismo, filosofia da linguagem (Derrida, Bakhtin Foucault, Deleuze), estudos culturais, formação de professores e práticas de ensino. Brian Morgan nos convida a repensar: 1. A agenda neoliberal nas ações e políticas educacionais; 2. As relações entre teorias (filosofias da linguagem, estudos culturais) e práticas (por exemplo, como tais teorias impactam ou não as práticas pedagógicas dos professores da escola pública); 3. O desenho de práticas pedagógicas (por exemplo, o projeto Get Involved, MONTE MÓR; MORGAN, 2014) que proveem momentos críticos para se trabalhar com e contra as agendas neoliberais.

A political analysis of the paradox of modern-day Brazil, charting the political transition from military rule to democracy, and to neoliberalism.

[...]the country's Government introduced one of the harshest set of austerity measures in modern history. [...]the Government plans to introduce commercial health plans (Planos Populares), meant to replace functions previously performed, free of charge, by the National Health System (Sistema Único de Saúde [SUS]).9 Commercial plans offer a narrower scope of services than the minimum offered by SUS and are subject to less regulatory scrutiny, which generally results in poor service quality and high out-of-pocket costs.10 Thirdly, states and municipalities have so far been obliged to invest federal resources, via so-called financial blocks, in strategic areas of health care, including primary health care and sanitation. New regulations free the regional administrations from adhering to such spending discipline11 by investing specified amounts into strategic areas of health care, which might contribute to the deterioration of SUS and to regional health inequalities. [...]new regulations diminish the obligatory numbers of doctors in emergency wards12 and of personnel in primary health units,12 including the reduction of the obligatory number of community health agents.

Whilst the presence of international students from so-called ‘developing’ or ‘newly industrialised’ countries has become a ubiquitous phenomenon in European higher education, few scholars have explored the underlying postcolonial trajectories that facilitate student migration to many European countries today. In this article, we seek to narrow this gap by critically engaging with the postcolonial heritage of European higher education and the ways in which it informs much student migration in today’s era of neoliberal globalisation. We propose a three-fold approach to reading this postcolonial heritage of higher education which comprises its historical, epistemic, and experiential (or ‘lived’) dimensions. Whilst such an approach requires a close examination of existing postcolonial theory in higher education studies, we also draw on qualitative research with student migrants in Portugal and the UK to show how the postcolonial heritage of European higher education is negotiated in everyday contexts and may become constitutive of students’ identity formations.

The article analyzes the development of neoliberal thinking in Brazil. The Brazilian experience of neoliberalism is far from the idea of a single discourse and goes beyond a mere external implantation. Rather, it possesses complex nuances. Our analysis starts from the first signs of neoliberalism, going through a period of institutional rooting, with the first public policies that bear that imprint, followed by what is known as its apogee. In this latter phase a more orthodox, hegemonic current was established. The article aims to show both the general neoliberal confluences in the countries of the Southern cone of Latin America and the particularities at the national level of Brazil. These particularities are linked to a more European current of neoliberalism, particularly the Austrian school, and are characterized by institutional breaks and internal regionalisms.

The relationship of care with people escapes management criteria and methods, bringing challenges to its measurement and, consequently, its valorization, even for nursing managers themselves who, for the most part, are male and female nurses: \"outside of technical work, there is no work!\" Furthermore, the work of producing care comes up against the contemporary neoliberal capitalist context that naturalizes a culture of competitive individualism, compromising the social appreciation of those who provide care. Due to the digitalization and virtualization of health systems, activities previously carried out manually are now recorded in a database and analyzed for decision-making\". Technological resources' functionalities guarantee traceability of care and reduced operational costs. [...]with its use, nursing professionals can dedicate more time caring for patients and be more effective in the care provided, allowing better care management, increasing work visibility and its consequent social and market appreciation.

Common discourse in public health and preventive medicine frames non-communicable diseases, including cardiovascular and metabolic diseases, as diseases of ‘lifestyle’; the choice of terminology implies that their prevention, control and management are amenable to individual action. In drawing attention to global increases in the incidence and prevalence of non-communicable disease, however, we increasingly observe that these are non-communicable diseases of poverty. In this article, we call for the reframing of discourse to emphasize the underlying social and commercial determinants of health, including poverty and the manipulation of food markets. We demonstrate this by analysing trends in disease, which indicate that diabetes- and cardiovascular-related DALYS and deaths are increasing particularly in countries categorized as low-middle to middle levels of development. In contrast, countries with very low levels of development contribute least to diabetes and document low levels of CVDs. Although this might suggest that NCDs track increased national wealth, the metrics obscure the ways in which the populations most affected by these diseases are among the poorest in many countries, and hence, disease incidence is a marker of poverty not wealth. We also illustrate variations in five countries — Mexico, Brazil, South Africa, India and Nigeria — by gender, and argue that these differences are associated with gender norms that vary by context rather than sex-specific biological pathways. We tie these trends to shifts in food consumption from whole foods to ultra-processed foods, under colonialism and with continued globalization. Industrialization and the manipulation of global food markets influence food choice in the context of limited household income, time, and household and community resources. Other factors that constitute risk factors for NCDs are likewise constrained by low household income and the poverty of the environment for people with low income, including the capacity of individuals in sedentary occupations to engage in physical activity. These contextual factors highlight extremely limited personal power over diet and exercise. In acknowledging the importance of poverty in shaping diet and activity, we argue the merit in using the term non-communicable diseases of poverty and the acronym NCDP. In doing so, we call for greater attention and interventions to address structural determinants of NCDs.

This article discusses why Latin American post-neoliberal parties have varied in their strategies of capital flow management. In brief, I propose that two complementary channels favor the pursuit of heterodox strategies: high degree of pressure from popular sectors that push for an immediate macroeconomic reorientation, and strategic allies among economic elites that mitigate the credibility losses associated with this decision. The comparative case-study on Argentina under Kirchnerism (2003-2015) and Brazil under the Workers’ Party (2003-2016) provides support for this argument. In the former case, the ruling party had to address the demands from strong and autonomous unions and social movements, while counting on a strategic alliance with domestic manufacturing producers. In the latter, conversely, the governing party lacked strategic allies among economic elites and could overlook the agenda of weak and subordinate popular organisations. In other words, both popular and elite channels favored the adoption of a heterodox strategy of capital flow management by Kirchnerism, while neither of them did in the case of the Workers’ Party. In Argentina, the option for heterodoxy also contributed to the repoliticisation of capital flow management by returning the visibility of this policy issue and impelling policymakers to go beyond technocratic discourses.