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Plus d’un an après la lecture, souvent nocturne et crayon en main, de la Correspondance 1854-1898 de Stéphane Mallarmé publiée en 2019 chez Gallimard, j’ai décidé de reprendre mes soulignements et autres notations marginales en poursuivant chaque moment de la Correspondance ainsi retenue. Ces écritures continuées des citations de Mallarmé, si elles restent liées aux réactions aléatoires d’une première lecture, tiennent finalement le cap d’une attention au poème dans et par la Correspondance. Over a year after having read, often by night and with pencil in hand, Stéphane Mallarmé’s Correspondance 1854-1898, published in 2019 by Gallimard, I decided to return to my underlined phrases and notes in the margins and delve into these moments of the Correspondance that I’d marked for attention. This article, which responds to citations from Mallarmé’s letters, though originating in the haphazard reactions of a first reading, is ultimately concerned with the poetry in (and by) Correspondance.

In terms of available cultural options, there was a disparity between Sudbury's elite, who could travel to Toronto for theatre, art galleries, and entertainment, and those of lesser means, who might more typically take in a sports game or engage in a night of heavy drinking in the bars, with their segregated \"Men Only\" and \"Ladies and Gents\" entrances.3 Consequently, the evolution of union halls, dance schools, summer camps, and sports teams spearheaded by the local over the years was the crucible for alternative forms of working-class culture in the community. Speaking to one another over the roar of a jackleg drill in the mines or the open fires of the smelters was made even more difficult by Inco's practice of pairing Ukrainians with Germans, Franco-Ontarians with Poles, and Brits with Italians for the explicit purpose of preventing workers from banding together to challenge the supervisors' frequent and grievous abuses of power. The cultural programs of mmsw Local 598 have attracted some scholarly attention, although little in comparison with the scholarship on the union itself.4 Mine-Mill's particular brand of social unionism was part of a larger pattern, sharing with other left-led unions in the early postwar years an effort to achieve broader social improvements beyond the parameters of the newly won legal framework governing industrial relations.5 Nevertheless, as the archival documents and images presented here indicate, mmsw Local 598 was exceptional in both the nature and the extent of its programming in the arts, culture, and sports for its members and their families. A spacious two-bedroom apartment, also on the hall's third floor, was home to the recreation director and his family, hired

Johnson, who had authored several books on farming, believed that motion pictures could be used to educate farmers who had no formal schooling.$ In the case of the omPB, the films were intended as \"educational work for farmers, school children, factory workers and other classes,\" and to \"give instruction in all branches of agriculture, etc., fruit growing.\" Screenings of the films of the OMPB were attended by a reported 100,000 during the two-week CNE in 1919.13 The province created an extensive distribution system to ensure its films were seen in various jurisdictions. Both bureaus used the non-flammable safety stock Pathé-Freres 28mm format in their productions, making it easier for them to be screened. [...]the expert announced, \"There will be 'text-films' as well as text-books.

Wentzell profiles Maurice Spector, who helped found the Communist Party of Canada, highlighting his essay on labor and the law in Canada. Spector served as the first Canadian member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, and, after being ousted from the CPC, became a leading figure among Canadian Trotskyists. Yet, if relatively little has been published about Spector's life as a leftist, almost nothing is known of his life as a lawyer in Ontario in the 1930s. Fortunately, tucked inside Spector's file at the Law Society of Ontario is his 1932 law school essay \"Labour and the Law in Canada.\" The essay was written for the inaugural Wallace Nesbitt prize, a stand-alone writing contest, rather than for a course. It earned Spector third place and $25, and it provides a succinct summary of the state of the law at the height of the Depression as seen by one of Canada's most notable Marxist thinkers.

Keywords: J. B. McLachlan, Nova Scotia coal miners, workers' autobiographies, Communist International, Communist Party of Canada, Trevor Maguire Mots-clés : J. B. McLachlan, mineurs de charbon de la Nouvelle-Écosse, autobiographies ouvrières, Internationale communiste, Parti communiste du Canada, Trevor Maguire IN MOSCOW, AT THE OFFICES of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, it is 23 December 1931. A veteran leader of the coal miners in Nova Scotia, J. B. McLachlan, is filling out a questionnaire. There are some new details, and there is interest too in how McLachlan phrases some of the answers.2 This questionnaire is one of the documents that became available after the opening up of Soviet archives in the 1990s.3 A large body of material from several fonds in the Comintern Archives was filmed by Library and Archives Canada at the time, and this resource has been available to Canadian researchers.4 The material copied, however, did not include a series of \"personal files\" that are listed as part of the fonds for the Executive Committee of the Communist International.5 Nonetheless, several researchers have obtained individual files from this source.6 In October 2020, with the assistance of a researcher in Moscow, I made a request for eight files of interest to me. Here he seems to be implying that once he and his sisters were of a working age, their combined labours were sufficient to reduce the family's poverty.

L'article explore le sens de l'écrit dans l'espace pictural en analysant les images brodées de l'artiste congolaise Lucie Kamuswekera. Sa broderie autobiographique met en évidence ce que l'écrit fait dans l'image. Les auteurs montrent que, dans ses broderies, l'écrit donne présence à l'Histoire telle qu'approuvée par l'État alors que le pictural visualise la mémoire que gardent les Congolais de leurs rapports avec l'État. Lucie Kamuswekera brise le silence dans lequel est tombée sa génération et se constitue en porte-parole des femmes. Elle défend la pertinence pour le présent de leurs expériences de la modernité (post)coloniale. The paper explores the meaning of the written word within pictorial space by analysing the embroidered images of the Congolese artist Lucie Kamuswekera. Her autobiographical embroidery highlights what the written word performs in the image. The authors argue that, in her embroideries, the written word gives presence to history as approved by the State, while the pictorial visualises the memory that the Congolese keep of their relationship with the State. Lucie Kamuswekera breaks the silence into which her generation has fallen and constitutes herself as a spokesperson for women. She defends the relevance of their experiences of (post)colonial modernity for the present.

Cet article examine un cas récent de lutte contre le terrorisme dans la région de Mora à l'Extrême-Nord du Cameroun et montre qu'il y existe des initiatives civiles endogènes de protection des populations. Le texte explore les motivations de ces acteurs locaux et leurs conceptions de la paix nourries de leurs expériences et espérances. Il contribue à documenter les réalités et fragilités des efforts endogènes pour pacifier un espace militarisé et y vivre. Enfin, il ouvre des pistes de réflexion sur les sources de la résilience civile. This article examines a recent case of counterterrorism in the Mora region of Cameroon's Extreme North and shows the existence of endogenous initiatives to protect the populations. It explores the motivations of these local actors informed by their experiences and hopes. It contributes to documenting the realities and vulnerabilities of endogeneous efforts to bring peace to a militarized space and live in it. Finally, it opens up avenues for reflection on the sources of civilian resilience.

Cet article traite de la problématique de la (non-)prise en compte des Pygmées dans la gestion des ressources forestières en Afrique centrale. La première partie montre la continuité, depuis l'époque coloniale, des représentations négatives sur les Pygmées, ainsi que leur marginalisation et leur exploitation. La seconde partie explique comment ces représentations, ainsi que l'absence de statut juridique reconnaissant les Pygmées, contribuent à leur exclusion de l'univers décisionnel concernant la gestion des ressources forestières. L'enquête s'appuie sur 124 entretiens avec des Pygmées de Lomié et de Lolodorf, au Cameroun, notamment les chefs des clans bagyeli de Lolodorf et baka de Lomié représentant les différents « campements » des Pygmées ainsi que sur une observation participante effectuée auprès des communautés bantoues, des autorités administratives et des exploitants forestiers, afin de découvrir leurs « manières de faire ». This article deals with the issue of how Pygmies are (not) taken into account in the management of forest resources in Central Africa. The first part shows the persistence, since colonial times, of negative representations of Pygmies, as well as their marginalization and exploitation. The second part discusses how these representations, as well as the lack of legal status recognizing Pygmies, have resulted in their exclusion from the decision-making sphere regarding forest resource management. The investigation is based on 124 interviews with Pygmies in Lomié and Lolodorf, Cameroon, including leaders of the Bagyeli clan in Lolodorf and the Baka clan in Lomié, representing the different Pygmy \"camps,\" as well as participant observation with Bantu communities, administrative authorities and logging companies, in an attempt to uncover their \"ways of doing.\"

Keywords: Labor-Progressive Party; Canadian Communism; 1956; Joseph Stalin; Nikita Khrushchev; 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union; Tim Buck; J.B. Salsberg; Norman Penner; Gui Caron; Anti-Semitism; Stanley B. Ryerson Mots-cles: Parti ouvrier-progressiste, communisme canadien, 1956, Joseph Staline, Nikita Khrouchtchev. 20e congres du Parti communiste de l'Union sovietique, Tim Buck, J.B. Salsberg, Norman Penner, Gui Caron, antisemitisme, Stanley B. Ryerson