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Despite a long history of critical engagement in local justice movements, the efforts of U.S. Women of Color activists remain understudied. In the present study we examine the manifestations of opposition and care that Women of Color utilize in exercising and sustaining their activism as they work to build justice-oriented change in their communities. We specifically explore how oppositional consciousness and ethics of care shape the perspectives and actions of local Women of Color activists. Qualitative data were collected via oral history interviews with eight local Women of Color activists in Cincinnati, Ohio. Using thematic narrative analysis, we identified three overarching thematic phases: building awareness of inequity, conscious interdependence, and putting awareness into action. These three phases aid in understanding how the women developed their commitment to social justice activism both as individuals and in consideration of their relationships with others in the community. Furthermore, we consider theories of oppositional consciousness and ethics of care and how they manifest in each phase. We then discuss how these findings contribute to understanding the experiences and efforts of local Women of Color activists. Findings from our research suggest timely incentives for broader inclusion of underrepresented voices to better inform decision-making bodies.

This study maps the Rohingya diaspora’s digital engagement on Facebook and explores how their participation has transformed over the years. Using the CrowdTangle analytics platform, this mixed-methods study presents the Rohingya community’s collective engagement on Facebook across six years, from January 2017 to December 2022. It comprises 47 Rohingya diaspora FB pages that published 34,905 posts and received nearly 8 million user interactions. Revealing their yearly transformation in interactions on Facebook, this study uncovers their contextual embodiment—within the increasingly complex and ever-changing regional and global socio-political landscape. Three key insights emerged from our findings. First, memories of loss, suffering, and longing for home intertwine in Rohingya transnational digital connectivity. In this remembrance process, Arakan (Rakhine) remains the place of reference and the center of gravity in their multi-layered identity formation and political mobilization. Second, as a gateway to seek global attention and articulate their political grievances, Rohingyas compose a coherent, unified, and human rights-based discourse on Facebook. Through such framing, they create an oppositional consciousness, drawing positive attention to their plight and the injustice they have endured for decades. Third, Islam, Muslim solidarity, and the narrative of Muslim victimhood emerge as indisputable markers in their identity (re)construction and manifesting political resistance. Anchoring on Islam, they build bridges between the scattered diaspora members and transcend their local struggle to the global audience, cementing the nexus between their Muslim identity and discrimination by the Buddhist-majority Myanmar government.

This study asks the question, “How do diverse social spaces support or constrain the development of oppositional consciousness among DACAmented Latina/o youth?” Our analysis is based on 40 in-depth interviews with Latina/o youth and young adults living in Colorado who received a two-year reprieve from deportation and work authorization through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program enacted in 2012. The findings indicate the development of three points along a continuum of oppositional consciousness, which we term latent, emergent, and manifest. The implications of this study reveal how social spaces inside and outside of schools in a non-traditional destination can support or constrain the oppositional consciousness of liminally legal DACA recipients.

Hannah’s story in the Old Testament has been written about considerably by Jewish feminists, womanist theologians, and other biblical scholars. This paper strives to build upon these works in asking the reader to consider Hannah’s story from a liberatory theological theory of suffering by Sölle, as well as a postmodern and non-religious lens as discussed by Sandoval’s Theory of Oppositional Consciousness in Methodology of the Oppressed and Lorde’s “Transformation of Silence into Language and Action”. This paper asks if this narrative can serve as an example of taking back one’s power by confronting a complex system of power and oppression for Black women. Intercessory prayer aptly defines the personal as political, especially with the multiple minoritized identities of Hannah. I argue that Hannah’s story can serve as a complex narrative of differential consciousness and the reclamation of one’s own power, by using her voice. Her audacity to correct a prophet, fight for her valid desire of motherhood, and determine her own happiness is evidence of an empowerment ethic that is necessary for minoritized women in a post-modern era and political climate where the erasure of all forms of difference and consciousness is the priority.

Due to the failure of the mainstream American settlement house movement to assist Blacks moving to cities in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a parallel movement was developed by Black female activists and reformers. As a historically oppressed group, African Americans used nonconfrontational strategies to fight for racial uplift and equal rights. This article posits that Black settlement houses provided a propitious environment for culturally based empowerment initiatives that contributed to the development of oppositional consciousness in the Black community. The article examines how Black female leaders' activism was influenced by the extent of social control the settlement houses were subject to. It argues that the culture of resistance developed in Black settlement houses foreshadowed and contributed to subsequent social movements in the African American community.

A comment on a 1998 article by James W. Ainsworth-Darnell and Douglas B. Downey evaluating reasons for racial/ethnic differences in school performance suggests that their rejection of the oppositional culture hypothesis may be premature. Here, both their original data and a new data set are analyzed for samples of 4th- and 10th-grade black and white students using a more direct measure of the peer group rejection described by the oppositional culture hypothesis. It is suggested that Ainsworth-Darnell and Downey did not adequately consider the coping strategies used by academically oriented minority or low-income adolescents to remain popular within their own peer group despite opposition from that group toward academic performance. Suggestions are offered for further research. 2 Tables, 37 References. K. H. Stewart.

In reply to a comment by George Farkas, Christy Lleras, and Steve Maczuga (2002) on the authors' analysis of the oppositional culture explanation of low academic performance by minority and low-income students, it is argued that the commentators misinterpreted the original study's conclusions. Specifically, no claim was made for the outright rejection of the oppositional culture hypothesis, and it is agreed that the hypothesis deserves further testing. However, problems are found with the commentators' empirical conclusions regarding the existence of an oppositional culture among black students, as well as with their claim of a 'disjuncture' between black student attitudes and academic behavior. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 8 References. K. H. Stewart.

Many countries recently have adopted formal democratic institutions and processes, such as the use of regular elections for national political offices. Many citizens, suffering from poverty and extreme social inequality, nonetheless feel politically excluded and dissatisfied. They sometimes turn to collective action and protest to help correct perceived injustices, yet protest often is rendered ineffective by the long-standing authoritarian habits of politicians, by clientalistic arrangements, and by citizens’ inexperience with collective action. This article draws on Jane Mansbridge and Aldon Morris’s differentiation of oppositional anger and oppositional consciousness to understand the limits to protest in new democracies. Anger, which is necessary for triggering collective action, by itself does not foster effective popular action. Often a full-fledged oppositional consciousness also is needed. This article examines three cases of protest in Argentina to illustrate the roles of oppositional anger, minimal oppositional consciousness, and full-fledged oppositional consciousness in popular politics. The study concludes that, thus far, most groups in Argentina that engage in collective action have not manifested a full-fledged oppositional consciousness. Protesters, to be effective, need to develop a more coherent understanding of the systematic oppression that they face, including the persistence of Peronism.

This article analyzes the process of youth political activism and development by drawing on ethnographic research on Asian and Pacific Islander youth activists. Young people revealed that collective action begins with a critical analysis of their lived experiences with inequalities. Their actions also involved oppositional consciousness that was nurtured in social justice-oriented community organizations. Tracking youth's successful efforts for school reform, I show how oppositional consciousness is realized and what activism looks like in practice.

Neste artigo exploramos a vivência de uma mulher engenheira durante um processo de pesquisa-ação em uma mina de carvão autogestionária em Criciúma (SC). Construímos um relato que não se refuta a evidenciar a reprodução de padrões hierarquizados de gênero, mas cujo foco é situar cenas concretas através das quais complexificamos as relações de poder de gênero – permeadas pela classe e raça – e damos visibilidade às atitudes opositivas performadas pelas mulheres. Esse trabalho é fruto de um diálogo entre a engenheira que esteve nas minas e uma engenheira pesquisadora das relações de gênero, cujos caminhos se cruzam na militância por uma engenharia contra-hegemônica. Inspiradas pelas epistemologias feministas, lançamos luz aqui sobre margens e estratégias de resistência pouco visibilizadas e que, no entanto, contribuem na luta cotidiana de desconstrução de relações de poder. In this article we explore the experience of a woman engineer during a process of participatory and action research in a self-managed coal mine in Criciúma (SC). We built a report that does not refute to evidence the reproduction of hierarchical gender patterns, but which focus is to situate specific scenes through which we complexify power relationships of gender – permeated by class and race – and give visibility to oppositional attitudes performed by women. This work is the result of a dialogue between the engineer who entered the mines and an engineer researcher of gender relations, whose paths encountered in the struggle for a counter-hegemonic engineering. Inspired by feminist epistemologies, here we launch light on margins and strategies of resistance that are under analyzed and that, however, contribute to the daily struggle of deconstruction of power relations.