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In January 1995, fighting broke out between Ecuadorian and Peruvian military forces in a remote section of the Amazon. It took more than three years and the interplay of multiple actors and factors to achieve a definitive peace agreement, thus ending what had been the region's oldest unresolved border dispute. This conflict and its resolution provide insights about other unresolved and/or disputed land and sea boundaries which involve almost every country in the Western Hemisphere. Drawing on extensive field research at the time of the dispute and during its aftermath, including interviews with high-ranking diplomats and military officials,Power, Institutions, and Leadership in War and Peaceis the first book-length study to relate this complex border dispute and its resolution to broader theories of conflict. The findings emphasize an emerging leadership approach in which individuals are not mere captives of power and institutions. In addition, the authors illuminate an overlap in national and international arenas in shaping effective articulation, perception, and selection of policy. In the \"new\" democratic Latin America that emerged in the late 1970s through the early 1990s, historical memory remains influential in shaping the context of disputes, in spite of presumed U.S. post-Cold War influence. This study offers important, broader perspectives on a hemisphere still rife with boundary disputes as a rising number of people and products (including arms) pass through these borderlands.

In January 1995, fighting broke out between Ecuadorian and Peruvian military forces in a remote section of the Amazon. It took more than three years and the interplay of multiple actors and factors to achieve a definitive peace agreement, thus ending what had been the region's oldest unresolved border dispute. This conflict and its resolution provide insights about other unresolved and/or disputed land and sea boundaries which involve almost every country in the Western Hemisphere. Drawing on extensive field research at the time of the dispute and during its aftermath, including interviews with high-ranking diplomats and military officials, Power, Institutions, and Leadership in War and Peace is the first book-length study to relate this complex border dispute and its resolution to broader theories of conflict. The findings emphasize an emerging leadership approach in which individuals are not mere captives of power and institutions. In addition, the authors illuminate an overlap in national and international arenas in shaping effective articulation, perception, and selection of policy. In the “new” democratic Latin America that emerged in the late 1970s through the early 1990s, historical memory remains influential in shaping the context of disputes, in spite of presumed U.S. post–Cold War influence. This study offers important, broader perspectives on a hemisphere still rife with boundary disputes as a rising number of people and products (including arms) pass through these borderlands.

How can the growing personalization of power be identified and measured ex ante? Extant measures in the authoritarian literature have traditionally focused on institutional constraints and more recently on individual behaviour – such as purging opposition members from (and packing allies into) government bodies. This article offers a different strategy that examines leaders’ individual rhetoric. It focuses on patterns of pronoun usage for the first person. The author argues that as leaders personalize power, they are less likely to use ‘I’ (a pronoun linked to credit claiming and blame minimizing) and more likely to use ‘we’ (the leader speaks for – or with – the populace). To test this argument, the study focuses on all major, scheduled speeches by all chief executives in the entire Chinese-speaking world – that is, China, Singapore and Taiwan – since independence. It finds a robust pattern between first-person pronouns and political constraints. To ensure the results are not driven by the Chinese sample, the rhetoric of four other political leaders is considered: Albania's Hoxha, North Korea's Kim Il Sung, Hungary's Orbán and Ecuador's Correa. The implications of this project suggest that how leaders talk can provide insights into how they perceive their rule.

In petro-states, the governance of flows of oil and oil money is vital to state legitimacy (e.g., regulations, contracts with companies, social compensation in sites of oil extraction). This article explores how contemporary oil price volatility shapes oil governance and the terms of petro-state legitimacy in Ecuador. In recent years, a technocratic, populist regime, led by President Rafael Correa, promised to return national oil resources to \"the people\" and inaugurate a \"postneoliberal\" era of sovereign, oil-driven development. The performance of this promise, through augmented public spending, was contingent on international oil prices. We track the emergence of what we call a speculative petro-state, in which state actors claimed to successfully gamble on volatile markets on behalf of the nation, as an emergent strategy for cultivating popular legitimacy. Such claims took the form of petro-populist discourses and practices. First, the Correa administration characterized new contractual relations with oil companies and capital as evidence of Correa's leadership in complex oil markets, seeking political legitimacy for the state through perceptions of Correa's personal capacity to manage market risk. Second, as prices surged, the Correa administration channeled rents into building spectacular public works or \"petro-populist landscapes,\" as material verification of Correa's petro-leadership in volatile markets. We track how market risk management became one key organizing factor of populist rule in Ecuador and we analyze how this case illuminates relations between populist politics and economic spheres. Key Words: Ecuador, governance, oil price, resource populism, volatility.

The growing influence of social media on political processes extends beyond electoral campaigns and is rapidly transforming the communication practices of incumbent leaders. We address the gap between populist practices in electoral marketing and the implementation of the Ecuadorian president’s discursive strategies from a geopolitical perspective, with a special focus on the use of two platforms: Instagram and TikTok. While existing scholarship has generally analyzed populist discourse on social media, this article applies theoretical and methodological tools to analyze the grammar of war and the performative strategies used to build leadership in contexts of high social unrest. Grounded in contemporary perspectives. This article reveals how populist leaders mobilize emotions through narratives on digital platforms to frame political crises. Using qualitative critical discourse analysis with multimodal and semiotic tools, we examined 156 posts from the official TikTok and Instagram accounts of Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa, published between January and July 2024. The findings highlight the strategic use of patriotic symbolism, personalization, and emotional appeals to legitimize executive actions and disseminate polarizing narratives. The proposed framework demonstrates how social media communication simplifies complex crisis scenarios into affect-laden “good versus evil” narratives. This model is transferable to other geopolitical and digital contexts, offering both conceptual and methodological tools for analyzing conflict-driven political communication.

When a new generation of populist outsiders began coming to power in the 1990s, typically amid crises that undermined political parties and democratic institutions, the relationships between populism and liberal democracy became even more troubled. Elites in Ecuador have not mobilized against his \"citizens' revolution,\" whose victims have been the private media, social movements, and traditional parties, including those on the left such as Pachakutik and the Maoist Popular Democratic Movement (MPD). Because his opposition has been so weak, Correa has not needed to do much mass mobilizing for anything beyond campaign purposes.

The present article, placed within the epistemological framework of Political Communication, analyses citizens’ reaction to politicians’ messages on the social network Twitter during the presidential elections in Argentina, Peru, Ecuador, Honduras, and Chile, held between 2015 and 2017. Through a script developed for the present research, almost 200,000 tweets have been studied according to the following questions: What are citizens’ emotional reactions to the messages of presidential candidates? Does digital public opinion analysis have a predictive nature from the electoral point of view? As a result, we note the existence of “sympathy currents” and “antipathy currents” on social media, where positive emotions prevail, especially towards candidates on the right side of the ideological spectrum, with progressive politicians generating a higher anger and sadness index than conservative ones. Similarly, emotions on social media largely correlate to the subsequent electoral result.

The article examines how framing and actor identity structure attention in short-video politics using a country-level corpus from Ecuador. It assembles 4612 public TikTok videos from official accounts and politically salient hashtags, extracts multimodal text via automatic speech recognition and on-screen OCR, and constructs two continuous indices: a quality index (programmatic, efficacy-oriented content) and a populism index (antagonistic, people-versus-elite cues). Engagement is modeled as a fractional response (binomial GLM with logit link), with robustness checks using OLS on logit(ER) and Poisson counts with an offset for log(plays + 1). Models include affect (positive sentiment and anger), hour/day controls, and actor fixed effects (leader, creator, institution, party, and media). The indices display construct validity: quality aligns with positive/joyful tone and populism with anger. Net of controls, populism is positively and consistently associated with engagement across estimators; quality is small and often null or negative. Effects are heterogeneous: leaders gain under both frames, creators primarily under populism, and media modestly under populism, while institutions face penalties under both, and parties show limited returns. Monthly series reveal event-linked intensification of populism, and hashtag networks are modular, mapping onto institutional, partisan, and creator ecosystems. A design analysis identifies a non-populist pathway—benefit-first micro-explanations, concise captions, targeted hashtags, and joyful/efficacy affect—that raises engagement without antagonism. The study contributes a reproducible, open-source pipeline for survey-free, multimodal framing measurement and clarifies how persona × frame interactions and meso-level discursive structure jointly organize attention in short-video politics.

This article explores a paradox at the heart of New Left populism in Bolivia and Ecuador – namely, the election of populist leaders in movement societies. Employing Laclau's theory about the emergence of populism, it demonstrates how social movements, not charismatic leaders, first constructed the popular identities that laid the foundations for these regimes. In re-examining theories of populism in light of these cases, this article suggests that populism's transformative and counter-hegemonic potential needs to be given renewed attention, and that the central role of charismatic leadership should be qualified in terms of the origins of populist identity formation. Este artículo explora una paradoja en el corazón del populismo de la Nueva Izquierda en Bolivia y Ecuador, es decir la elección de líderes populistas en sociedades con fuertes movimientos sociales. Empleando la teoría de Laclau acerca de la emergencia del populismo, el material demuestra cómo los movimientos sociales, y no los líderes carismáticos, fueron los primeros en edificar las identidades populares que sentaron las bases para estos regímenes. Al reexaminar las teorías sobre el populismo a la luz de estos casos, el artículo sugiere que el potencial transformativo y contrahegemónico del populismo necesita una atención más fresca, y el papel central del liderazgo carismático debe ser reconsiderado en relación a los orígenes de la formación identitaria del populismo. Este artigo explora o paradoxo existente no cerne da Nova Esquerda na Bolívia e no Equador e externado pela eleição de líderes populistas em sociedades lideradas por movimentos. Empregando a teoria da emergência do populismo de Laclau, o artigo demonstra como os movimentos sociais, ao invés dos líderes populistas, construíram primeiro as identidades populares que fundamentaram estes regimes. Ao reexaminar teorias do populismo à luz destes casos, este artigo sugere que o potencial anti-hegemônico e de transformação do populismo necessita receber uma atenção renovada e o papel central da liderança carismática deveria ser qualificado em relação às origens da formação da identidade populista.

This study examines female microenterprise entrepreneurship in the city of Juliaca, Peru, as a response to structural conditions of poverty, informality, and limited inclusion in public policies. The research aims to understand and interpret the dynamics of women-led entrepreneurship and its relationship with sustainable local socioeconomic development. A qualitative methodological approach based on an interpretive phenomenological design was adopted. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, direct observation, and document analysis with sixteen microentrepreneurs selected through purposive and snowball sampling. The findings reveal that intrinsic motivations (resilience, leadership, and self-fulfillment) and extrinsic motivations (economic independence, access to financing, and education) are key factors in the entrepreneurial process. In addition, entrepreneurial social capital, expressed through family, community, and institutional networks, plays a strategic role in the sustainability of businesses. The results also show that women entrepreneurs actively and significantly contribute to sustainable local socioeconomic development by strengthening local development ecosystems, generating employment, and promoting socially, fiscally, and ethically responsible practices. Despite their role as agents of change and transformation, women entrepreneurs continue to face structural barriers, highlighting the need for public policies with territorial and gender-sensitive approaches to strengthen their impact and sustainability.