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Secession in international law : a new framework
Secession in International Law argues that the effective development of criteria on secession is a necessity in today's world, because secessionist struggles can be analyzed through the legal lens only if we have specific legal rules to apply. Without legal rules, secessionist struggles are dominated by politics and sui generis approaches, which validate secessionist attempts based on geo-politics and regional states' self-interest, as opposed to the law. By using a truly comparative approach, Milena Sterio has developed a normative international law framework on secession, which focuses on several factors to assess the legitimacy of a separatist quest. By comparing and contrasting various situations and cases of self-determination leading toward secession in different parts of the world, including the recent cases of Scotland, Crimea, and Catalonia, this book serves as an illuminating illustration of past and attempted secessions. Sterio approaches her novel framework with the goal of reconciling the international law norm of territorial integrity with the right to external self-determination, proposing specific and useable guidelines. This unique book will appeal not only to academic audiences, but to state actors, politicians, government members and policy makers as well.
Book
Secessionism and Separatism in Europe and Asia
The boundaries between secessionism and separatism are often blurred, and in many cases study of secessionism encompasses that of separatism and vice versa. Recognising this inherent relationship, this book provides a comparative survey of recent attempts at secession and separatist movements from across Europe and Asia, and assesses the responses of the respective host governments. The essays address two main questions which arise from the relationship between state governments and secessionist movements: first, how secessionist or separatist movements gather support and mobilize their target populations and second, how central political authorities respond to the challenges that secessionist or separatist movements pose to their capacity to control the country. With political analysis of recent cases ranging from the Balkans, the USSR, the UK and the Basque Country, to Sri Lanka, Burma, China, Tibet and Taiwan, the authors identify both similarities and differences in the processes and outcomes of secessionist and separatist movements across the two distinct regions.
This volume will be an invaluable resource for those who wish to understand the dynamics of secessionist movements and as such will appeal to students and scholars of Asian and European politics, comparative politics, international relations and conflict studies. It will also be helpful to practitioners and policy-makers who wish to understand and contribute to the resolution of such conflicts.
eBook
Secession and EU law
Secession is a live issue in today's Western Europe. In the last years, we have witnessed the failure of two pro-independence attempts in Scotland and Catalonia. In the near future, we might see their re-emergence, or the rise of other pro-secession movements in other European regions. The response of the EU institutions to secession within EU Member States may well be based mainly on political considerations. However, since the EU is a community of law based on the Rule of Law, it has also to justify its position with normative arguments of principle. This thesis aims to provide such normative support. The intention is to offer legal reflection that goes beyond a case-specific approach, which could be of relevance to any EU Member State. The main research question of this thesis is the following: how should EU law respond to secessionist attempts within EU Member States? The central claim of the thesis, based on Article 4 (2) TEU, is that the EU duty to respect national identity and fundamental constitutional structures generates obligations in the context of secession to respect Member States constitutional orders, provided that the values enshrined in Article 2 TEU are not violated by the Member State affected. The thesis draws on a pluralist reading of the relation between EU law and national law, to support the conclusion that EU law should respect domestic constitutional orders, with the consequence that if domestic law considers that secession is unlawful (based on the legal criteria established by each EU Member State constitutional legal order), EU law should respect that position by not recognizing the statehood of the secessionist entity. If, on the contrary, the domestic legal order has authorized the secessionist attempt, EU law should respect that outcome by recognizing the new entity as a sovereign State and by entering negotiations in good faith. This means, in effect, that the features of the secession determine the different types of EU responses.
Dissertation
Boxing Pandora
A timely and provocative challenge to the foundations of our global order: why should national borders be unchangeable? The inviolability of national borders is an unquestioned pillar of the post-World War II international order. Fixed borders are believed to encourage stability, promote pluralism, and discourage nationalism and intolerance. But do they? What if fixed borders create more problems than they solve, and what if permitting borders to change would create more stability and produce more just societies? Legal scholar Timothy Waters examines this possibility, showing how we arrived at a system of rigidly bordered states and how the real danger to peace is not the desire of people to form new states but the capacity of existing states to resist that desire, even with violence. He proposes a practical, democratically legitimate alternative: a right of secession. With crises ongoing in the United Kingdom, Spain, Ukraine, Iraq, Syria, Sudan, and many other regions, this reassessment of the foundations of our international order is more relevant than ever.
eBook
Slime
Was die Moral von der Geschichte ist, weiß ich nicht; da ich aber gerade offengelegt habe, dass ein umfassen-des Sprachmodell am Scannen, Sampeln und Ordnen der Wörter gemäß der geltenden Grammatik- und Syntaxregeln beteiligt war, könnten meine Leser*innen bezweifeln, dass ich diesen Text selbst geschrieben habe.1 Insofern ist der vorliegende Text, so wie übrigens jeder andere Text heutzutage, sowohl eine Parabel auf den Verfall von Intentionalität und Bedeutung als auch auf die Übermacht \"asig-nifikanter Semiotiken\" von Impulsen und Intensitäten.2 1 Das erinnert an Alix Rules und David Levines berüchtigten Text \"International Art English\", Triple Canopy, 16. Juli 2012; https://canopycanopycanopy.com/contents/ international_art_english. 2 Vgl. Wir begegnen diesen Bedeutungsdiskre-panzen zum Beispiel in der einzigartigen Ausprägung des Schrei-bens in den sozialen Medien, einer Art Umwandlung von Sprache in Text (was dazu einlädt, Jacques Derridas Unterscheidung zwischen Sprache und Schrift wiederaufzugreifen),3 - oder in einem Bedeu-tungsverfall infolge des Zusammenbruchs der Infrastruktur. In diesem kurzen Essay geht es um Gedanken und Überlegungen, die zu der von mir für die Wiener Secession kuratierten Ausstellung Slime geführt und diese begleitet haben.5 Die hybrid angelegte Schau umfasste ein breites Spektrum, wobei Digitalität vor Ort mit dem Verzicht auf Bildschirme thematisiert wurde (da wir das Digitale ohne-hin immer mit uns führen). Da das Digitale und das Finanzielle sich gegenseitig überwachen, kommt es zu einer Reihe von Veränderungen in der Art und Weise, wie Bedeutung produziert wird - vom Ort der Produktion hin zum Ort der Umsetzung, von Streiks hin zu Ausschreitungen, von der Arbeiterklasse hin zu überschüssigen Bevölkerungsgruppen, von Solidarität hin zu Verschwörung und von der Organisation zu kleinkarierter Eigenständigkeit.6 3 Vgl. Social Research, Vol. 90, Nr. 3, September 2023, S. 515. Suhrkamp 2006, S. 7) 5 Vgl. die Ausstellung Slime, kuratiert von Joshua Simon, Secession Wien, 16. Juni 2024; https://slime.secession.at/. Während der Feudalismus mit einem gewissen Pflichtgefühl und dem Ein-geständnis gegenseitiger Abhängigkeit einhergeht, ignoriert die Westküsten-Tech-Meritokratie die gesellschaftliche Reproduktion und stellt sich in einer Art Renten-ökonomie über sie. Januar 2021 lieferte ein Beispiel für den faschistischen Charakter dieser Art von digitaler Gruppierung. Dieser Mechanismus erlaubt es Anhänger*innen von Verschwörungsmythen derzeit, eine Art Machtgefühl auszukosten, bei dem der subjektive Zwang die objektive Realität bestimmt.
Journal Article