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Liu, J.; Xing, L.; Shao, C.; Li, S.; Huang, M.; Weng, J., and Fu, C., 2023. Update to the Quaternary stratigraphic division in Xiaoshao Plain, Zhejiang, China. Journal of Coastal Research, 39(5), 984–997. Charlotte (North Carolina), ISSN 0749-0208. Establishing a reliable chronological framework of Quaternary sedimentary stratigraphy contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the evolutionary patterns of sedimentary environments and predicts their trends. Local exploration standards are essential indicators in the construction of a chronological framework for Quaternary sedimentary stratigraphy. However, many of the local standards introduced today lack detailed field investigations and comprehensive and in-depth analyses of geological investigations in local areas and still need further improvement. For these areas, there are significant differences in understanding between different researchers, and the absence of appropriate and uniform local standards will lead to misjudgment of geological conditions and cause much inconvenience in the design, construction, and management of engineering and construction projects. On the basis of this, Xiaoshao Plain in Zhejiang Province, China serves as a research subject and samples were collected by drilling and coring. The Quaternary stratigraphy of Xiaoshao Plain is tentatively divided into nine major layers and 22 sublayers following the local standard of Zhejiang Province's Code for Geotechnical Engineering Investigation of Engineering Construction (DB33/1065-2009) introduced in 2009. The geological age of some of the strata in the area and changes in the depositional environment were further explored through accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) 14C testing and microsomal paleontological fossil identification. Thus, the large stratigraphy of the Quaternary sedimentary strata of Xiaoshao Plain in the Zhejiang local standard is supplemented. Finally, in combination with the existing regional engineering geological survey report, the stratigraphic substratum of the area has been reclassified (the study divides it into 36 substrata). This study provides new ideas for the improvement of local standards for geological surveys and guidance for engineering construction development in Xiaoshao Plain.

This paper develops a resource model of political participation. The resources considered are time, money, and civic skills—those communications and organizational capacities that are essential to political activity. These skills are not only acquired early in life but developed in the nonpolitical institutional settings of adult life: the workplace, organizations, and churches and synagogues. These resources are distributed differentially among groups defined by socioeconomic status. A two-stage least squares analysis shows these resources have powerful effects on overall political activity, thus explaining why socioeconomic status has traditionally been so powerful in predicting participation. We disaggregate overall activity into three kinds of acts: those that involve giving time, those that entail donating money, and voting. Each requires a different configuration of resources resulting in different patterns of stratification across various political acts.

Three different theoretical explanations are tested for the exceptionally high level of electoral volatility found in contemporary Latin America: economic voting, institutional characteristics of political regimes and party systems, and the structure and organization of class cleavages. A pooled cross-sectional time-series regression analysis is conducted on 58 congressional elections and 43 presidential elections in 16 Latin American countries during the 1980s and 1990s. Institutional variables have the most consistent effect on volatility, while the influence of economic performance is heavily contingent upon the type of election and whether the dependent variable is operationalized as incumbent vote change or aggregate electoral volatility. The results demonstrate that electoral volatility is a function of short-term economic perturbations, the institutional fragilities of both democratic regimes and party systems, and relatively fluid cleavage structures.

Many classic works of political economy have identified capital and labor as the champions of democratization during the first wave of transition. By contrast, this article argues for the contingent nature of capital and labor's support for democracy, especially in the context of late development. The article offers a theory of democratic contingency, proposing that a few variables, namely, state dependence, aristocratic privilege, and social fear account for much of the variation found in class support for democratization both across and within cases. Conditions associated with late development make capital and labor especially prone to diffidence about democratization. But such diffidence is subject to change, especially under the impact of international economic integration, poverty-reducing social welfare policies, and economic growth that is widely shared. Case material from Korea, Indonesia, Mexico, Zambia, Brazil, Tunisia and other countries is offered as evidence.

Wilkinson's \"income inequality and social cohesion\" model has emerged as a leading research program in social epidemiology. Public health scholars and activists working toward the elimination of social inequalities in health can find several appealing features in Wilkinson's research. In particular, it provides a sociological alternative to former models that emphasize poverty, health behaviors, or the cultural aspects of social relations as determinants of population health. Wilkinson's model calls for social explanations, avoids the subjectivist legacy of U.S. functionalist sociology that is evident in \"status\" approaches to understanding social inequalities in health, and calls for broad policies of income redistribution. Nevertheless, Wilkinson's research program has characteristics that limit its explanatory power and its ability to inform social policies directed toward reducing social inequalities in health. The model ignores class relations, an approach that might help explain how income inequalities are generated and account for both relative and absolute deprivation. Furthermore, Wilkinson's model implies that social cohesion rather than political change is the major determinant of population health. Historical evidence suggests that class formation could determine both reductions in social inequalities and increases in social cohesion. Drawing on recent examples, the authors argue that an emphasis on social cohesion can be used to render communities responsible for their mortality and morbidity rates: a community-level version of \"blaming the victim.\" Such use of social cohesion is related to current policy initiatives in the United States and Britain under the New Democrat and New Labor governments.

We present evidence of a historic realignment in the relationship between class and voting behavior in U.S. presidential elections in the postwar period. We take advantage of recent advances in class analysis and statistical methodology to introduce a distinction between \"traditional\" class voting and \"total\" class voting. Neither shows a decline in the postwar era. The realignment occurred since 1968, as professionals and nonmanagerial white-collar workers moved from voting for Republicans to supporting Democratic presidential candidates. Stronger support for Republicans among the self-employed and among managers has more than offset the shift of professionals and nonmanagerial white-collar workers to the Democrats. Skilled blue-collar workers have become volatile, moving away from their historic support for the Democratic Party without firmly attaching themselves to the Republican Party. Significant class differences in voter turnout also contribute to the total association between class and voting outcomes.

Preferences come from the most ubiquitous human activity: living with other people. Support for and opposition to different ways of life, the shared values legitimating social relations (here called cultures) are the generators of diverse preferences. After discussing why it is not helpful to conceive of interests as preferences or to dismiss preference formation as external to organized social life, I explain how people are able to develop many preferences from few clues by using their social relations to interrogate their environment. The social filter is the source of preferences. I then argue that culture is a more powerful construct than conceptual rivals: heuristics, schemas, ideologies. Two initial applications—to the ideology of the left-right distinctions and to perceptions of danger—test the claim that this theory of how individuals use political cultures to develop their preferences outperforms the alternatives.

The authors test several hypotheses about the impact of intergerational class mobility on political party preferences. Test using cross-national data sets representing Britain, the Netherlands, Germany, and the United States over the period 1964-90 suggest a process of acculturation to the class of destination. The authors hypothesized that a class with a high degree of demographic identity influences newcomers more than a class with low demographic identity does and that, the more left-wing inflow there is into a class, the more likely the immobile members are to have left-wing political preferences. The data did not confirm these hypotheses. A macro analysis does, however, show that the level of class voting is weakened by a compositional mobility effect.