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"Transitional justice Uzbekistan"
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Costs of Justice
In The Costs of Justice , Brian K. Grodsky provides
qualitative analyses of how transitional justice processes have
evolved in diverse ways in postcommunist Poland, Croatia, Serbia,
and Uzbekistan, by examining the decision-making processes and
goals of those actors who contributed to key transitional justice
policy decisions. Grodsky draws on extensive interviews with key
political figures, human rights leaders, and representatives of
various international, state, and nongovernmental bodies, as well
as detailed analysis of international and local news reports, to
offer a systematic and qualitatively compelling account of
transitional justice from the perspective of activists who, at the
end of a previous regime, were suddenly transformed from
downtrodden victim to empowered judge.
Grodsky challenges the argument that transitional justice in
post-repressive states is largely a function of the relative power
of new versus old elites. He maintains that a new regime's
transitional justice policy is closely linked to its capacity to
provide goods and services expected by constituents, not to
political power struggles. In introducing this goods variable, so
common to broad political analysis but largely overlooked in the
transitional justice debate, Grodsky argues that we must revise our
understanding of transitional justice. It is not an exceptional
issue; it is but one of many political decisions faced by leaders
in a transition state.
eBook
MILITARY SANCTIONS: THE WAR ON TERROR AND THE CASE OF UZBEKISTAN
States frequently find themselves disbursing or receiving military aid, cooperation, and access to military products. Using foreign policy options like \"military sanctions\" (the suspension of military projects, aid, cooperation, and access) is a desirable, widely publicized way for one state to express its discontent to another while presumably influencing desired policy changes in the client state. However, the small amount of evidence on military sanctions indicates that they are ineffective, short-lived, and may even be counterproductive. This analysis attempted to elucidate this subject by advancing a theory stating that states will impose military sanctions in response to domestic audience pressures shortly after high-profile examples of undesirable behavior by client states. However, military sanctions will be eased as time progresses and public attention has waned. This analysis qualitatively examined Uzbekistan and its relationship with the US, finding support for this theory. It concluded that following high-profile incidents and periods of undesirable behavior by an aid-recipient state, military sanctions would likely be employed by the state providing the military aid and programs. Further, military sanctions are eased or scrapped as time moves from public incidents and attention involving human rights abuses.
Journal Article
MINORITY RIGHTS IN CENTRAL ASIA: INSIGHTS FROM KAZAKHSTAN, KYRGYZSTAN, AND UZBEKISTAN
This paper explores the state of minority rights in the three Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. These countries share a lot of similarities in terms of their post-Soviet authoritarian legacy and weakness of democratic institutions. The repressive political landscapes of the Central Asian states have taken their tolls on minority groups, leaving them discriminated against, mistreated, and severely disadvantaged. Minority rights violations range from ethnic and religious discrimination to state-sponsored homophobia. Even though the leadership changes have positively affected the state of human rights in the three countries, there is still a slow pace of reforms. Overall, domestic changes in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan have not yielded considerable results so far in terms of alleviating the plight of minority groups across these countries.
Journal Article
Justice Without Transition: Truth Commissions in the Context of Repressive Rule
While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades, the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems, may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations, the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s 1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.
Journal Article
Worst of the Worst: Dealing with Repressive and Rogue Nations
Identifies and characterizes the most repressive states and singles out which are aggressive. Defines the actions constituting repression and proposes a method of measuring human rights violations, presenting an index of nation-state repressiveness. Offers a way to decide which repressive and rogue states are most deserving of strong policy attention.
eBook