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Uncivil Disobedienceexamines the roles violence and terrorism have played in the exercise of democratic ideals in America. Jennet Kirkpatrick explores how crowds, rallying behind the principle of popular sovereignty and desiring to make law conform to justice, can disdain law and engage in violence. She exposes the hazards of democracy that arise when citizens seek to control government directly, and demonstrates the importance of laws and institutions as limitations on the will of the people. Kirkpatrick looks at some of the most explosive instances of uncivil disobedience in American history: the contemporary militia movement, Southern lynch mobs, frontier vigilantism, and militant abolitionism. She argues that the groups behind these violent episodes are often motivated by admirable democratic ideas of popular power and autonomy. Kirkpatrick shows how, in this respect, they are not so unlike the much-admired adherents of nonviolent civil disobedience, yet she reveals how those who engage in violent disobedience use these admirable democratic principles as a justification for terrorism and killing. She uses a \"bottom-up\" analysis of events to explain how this transformation takes place, paying close attention to what members of these groups do and how they think about the relationship between citizens and the law. Uncivil Disobediencecalls for a new vision of liberal democracy where the rule of the people and the rule of law are recognized as fundamental ideals, and where neither is triumphant or transcendent.

The story of how three remarkable New Yorkers helped over 3000 African American slaves escape to a life of liberty in Canada, in the decades before the American Civil War.

In 1834 Virgil Stewart rode from western Tennessee to a territory known as the \"Arkansas morass\" in pursuit of John Murrell, a thief accused of stealing two slaves. Stewart's adventure led to a sensational trial and a wildly popular published account that would ultimately help trigger widespread violence during the summer of 1835, when five men accused of being professional gamblers were hanged in Vicksburg, nearly a score of others implicated with a gang of supposed slave thieves were executed in plantation districts, and even those who tried to stop the bloodshed found themselves targeted as dangerous and subversive. Using Stewart's story as his point of entry, Joshua D. Rothman details why these events, which engulfed much of central and western Mississippi, came to pass. He also explains how the events revealed the fears, insecurities, and anxieties underpinning the cotton boom that made Mississippi the most seductive and exciting frontier in the Age of Jackson. As investors, settlers, slaves, brigands, and fortune-hunters converged in what was then America's Southwest, they created a tumultuous landscape that promised boundless opportunity and spectacular wealth. Predicated on ruthless competition, unsustainable debt, brutal exploitation, and speculative financial practices that looked a lot like gambling, this landscape also produced such profound disillusionment and conflict that it contained the seeds of its own potential destruction. Rothman sheds light on the intertwining of slavery and capitalism in the period leading up to the Panic of 1837, highlighting the deeply American impulses underpinning the evolution of the slave South and the dizzying yet unstable frenzy wrought by economic flush times. It is a story with lessons for our own day. Published in association with the Library Company of Philadelphia's Program in African American History. A Sarah Mills Hodge Fund Publication.

In the twenty-first century, the word vigilante usually conjures up images of cinematic heroes like Batman, Zorro, the Lone Ranger, or Clint Eastwood in just about any film he's ever been in. But in the nineteenth century, vigilantes roamed the country long before they ever made their way onto the silver screen. In Faces Like Devils, Matthew J. Hernando closely examines one of the most famous of these vigilante groups—the Bald Knobbers. Hernando sifts through the folklore and myth surrounding the Bald Knobbers to produce an authentic history of the rise and fall of Missouri's most famous vigilantes. He details the differences between the modernizing Bald Knobbers of Taney County and the anti-progressive Bald Knobbers of Christian County, while also stressing the importance of Civil War-era violence with respect to the foundation of these vigilante groups. Despite being one of America's largest and most famous vigilante groups during the nineteenth century, the Bald Knobbers have not previously been examined in depth. Hernando's exhaustive research, which includes a plethora of state and federal court records, newspaper articles, and firsthand accounts, remedies that lack. This account of the Bald Knobbers is vital to anyone not wanting to miss out on a major part of Missouri's history.

In 1937, Mexican workers were among the strikers and supporters beaten, arrested, and murdered by Chicago policemen in the now infamous Republic Steel Mill Strike. Using this event as a springboard, Zaragosa Vargas embarks on the first full-scale history of the Mexican-American labor movement in twentieth-century America. Absorbing and meticulously researched,Labor Rights Are Civil Rightspaints a multifaceted portrait of the complexities and contours of the Mexican American struggle for equality from the 1930s to the postwar era. Drawing on extensive archival research, Vargas focuses on the large Mexican American communities in Texas, Colorado, and California. As he explains, the Great Depression heightened the struggles of Spanish speaking blue-collar workers, and employers began to define citizenship to exclude Mexicans from political rights and erect barriers to resistance. Mexican Americans faced hostility and repatriation. The mounting strife resulted in strikes by Mexican fruit and vegetable farmers. This collective action, combined with involvement in the Communist party, led Mexican workers to unionize. Vargas carefully illustrates how union mobilization in agriculture, tobacco, garment, and other industries became an important vehicle for achieving Mexican American labor and civil rights. He details how interracial unionism proved successful in cross-border alliances, in fighting discriminatory hiring practices, in building local unions, in mobilizing against fascism and in fighting brutal racism. No longer willing to accept their inferior status, a rising Mexican American grassroots movement would utilize direct action to achieve equality.

This is the second volume in the first full-scale scholarly edition of Thoreau's correspondence in more than half a century. When completed, the edition's three volumes will include every extant letter written or received by Thoreau-in all, almost 650 letters, roughly 150 more than in any previous edition, including dozens that have never before been published.Correspondence 2 contains 246 letters, 124 written by Thoreau and 122 written to him. Sixty-three are collected here for the first time; of these, forty-three have never before been published. During the period covered by this volume, Thoreau wrote the works that form the foundation of his modern reputation. A number of letters reveal the circumstances surrounding the publication of A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers in May 1849 and Walden in August 1854, as well as the essays Resistance to Civil Government (1849; now known as Civil Disobedience ) and Slavery in Massachusetts (1854), and two series, An Excursion to Canada (1853) and Cape Cod (1855). Writing and lecturing brought Thoreau a small group of devoted fans, most notably Daniel Ricketson, an independently wealthy Quaker and abolitionist who became a faithful correspondent. The most significant body of letters in the volume are those Thoreau wrote to Harrison Gray Otis Blake, a friend and disciple who elicited intense and complex discussions of the philosophical, ethical, and moral issues Thoreau explored throughout his life.Following every letter, annotations identify correspondents, individuals mentioned, and books quoted, and describe events to which the letters refer. A historical introduction characterizes the letters and connects them with the events of Thoreau's life, a textual introduction lays out the editorial principles and procedures followed, and a general introduction discusses the history of the publication of Thoreau's correspondence. Proper names, publications, events, and ideas found in both the letters and the annotations are included in the index, which provides full access to the contents of the volume.

Good population health data are often taken for granted, and the people and organizations that gather it are often unsung heroes. For communities of color, immigrants, the LGBTQ population, and other special populations, such as the 50 ethnic and 100 language groups that make up Asian Americans (AA) and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders (NHPI), generating good population -- representative data continues to be a major challenge. For AAs and NHPIs, characteristics of good population data are in-language administration and cultural adaptation of surveys, detailed collection of ethnic groups within the AA and NHPI aggregate categories, and adequate samples for reportable estimates, oversampling of smaller ethnic groups-elements that were non-existent 30 years ago. Nationally, AA and NHPI population health data today are products of the mettle, vigilance, and constant relay of data heroes representing many sectors and communities who have paved the way for all individuals to be recognized and counted.

Abstract In this chapter, I suggest three conceptual tools developed by William R. Freudenburg and colleagues that characterize the failure of institutions to carry out their duties – recreancy, atrophy of vigilance, and bureaucratic slippage – are of use beyond environmental sociology in the framing of the September 11, 2001 disaster. Using testimony and findings from primary materials such as the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence Joint Inquiry hearings and report (2002, 2004a, 2004b) and the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (2004) alongside insider accounts, I discuss how Freudenburg’s tools have the potential to theorize institutional failures that occur in national security decision making. I also suggest these tools may be of particular interest to the U.S. intelligence community in its own investigation of various types of risk and failures.

For 30 years, the US has maintained unilateral sanctions against Iran both for its support of terrorist organizations - Hamas, Hezbollah, and Palestine Islamic Jihad - and its nuclear activities. Congressional action (the IranLibya sanctions act of 1996 and its amended versions) to pressure Iran through secondary sanctions against foreign companies investing in Iran's energy sector or assisting Iran's WMD programs remain a key component of American policy towards Iran.4 More recently, the US has attempted to isolate Iran financially through sanctions against targeted individuals and entities and by persuading international financial institutions to cut ties to the country.5 One ofthe most difficult foreign policy challenges confronting the Obama administration is how to exercise greater pressure on Iran through additional \"crippling\" sanctions.6 Congress is expected to adopt broad new measures early in 2010 aimed at isolating the Iranian economy; these may include prohibiting foreign companies that provide Iran with refined petroleum products from doing business in the US.7 Security council sanctions followed years of diplomatic negotiations to urge Iranian cooperation with International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) agreements assuring that its nuclear activities were for peaceful purposes only. The security council has passed three resolutions aimed at halting Iran's proliferation activities.8 Adopted unanimously under chapter VII of the charter ofthe United Nations concerning threats to international peace, resolution 1737 demanded that Iran suspend its enrichment-related and reprocessing activities and resolve outstanding issues with the IAEA. The mandatory measures require member states to prohibit the transfer of all items, equipment, goods, and technology that could contribute to Iran's enrichment-related activities or to the development of nuclear weapons delivery systems; freeze the assets of 12 Iranian individuals and 10 entities for providing support for Iran's nuclear activities; and exercise restraint with respect to the travel and training of designated individuals, arms, or WMD-useful exports to Iran, and the activities of Iranian banks.9 The resolution also created a sanctions committee to monitor implementation, promulgate guidelines, designate additional targets, review reports by member states of actions to implement sanctions, and report on ways to enhance effectiveness. UN nonproliferation sanctions on North Korea follow a similar pattern of building on long-standing US unilateral measures and failed diplomatic efforts to halt nuclear pursuits.12 In July 2006, North Korea launched seven ballistic missiles, ending an eight-year self-imposed moratorium. Ten days later, the security council passed resolution 1695 condemning the launches and calling on states \"to exercise vigilance and prevent missile and missilerelated items, materials, goods and technology being transferred to DPRK's missile or WMD programmes.\" Notwithstanding the security council's warning, Pyongyang proceeded to test a nuclear device on 9 October 2006, and six days later resolution 1718 was adopted, declaring that the test represented a \"clear threat to international peace and security.\"13 Acting under chapter VII ofthe charter, the security council required all member states to ban the supply, sale, or transfer of conventional weapons, WMDand missile-related goods, and \"luxury goods,\" and to freeze assets and prohibit the travel of individuals designated by the 1718 committee. The council also urged North Korea to return immediately to the six-party talks, the nonproliferation treaty, and IAEA safeguards.