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The hunting songs of the majority-Muslim, Odienné region of Northwestern Côte d’Ivoire accomplish more than meets the ear. They conjoin and distinguish Muslim goals and ostensibly non-Muslim hunting practices. The musical repertoire of my host, Dramane Coulibaly, is illustrative. This study examines the role that Dramane’s songs played in motivating initiated dozo hunters to kill game during dozo funerals, a primary concern for dozos at these events. Next, it analyzes the structure and content of Dramane’s songs in relation to the embodied, emplaced, and material dimensions of dozo funerals, where Dramane’s performances served to calm the spirits of the dead so that they would leave the living in peace. Finally, it examines the musical aspects of Dramane’s songs in relation to Islam, with the aim of broadening the study of Islam in West Africa and beyond to encompass the texts and performance practices of dozo funerals. les chants de chasse de la région à majorité musulmane d’Odienné, au nord-ouest de la Côte d’Ivoire, accomplissent plus qu’il n’y parait. Ils joignent et distinguent les objectifs musulmans et les pratiques de chasse apparemment non-musulmanes. Les chansons de mon hôte, Dramane Coulibaly, sont représentatives. Cette étude examine tout d’abord la relation substantielle que les textes de chansons de Dramane établissent entre ses performances et la chasse, une préoccupation centrale des dozos. Ensuite, il analyse la structure et le contenu des chansons de Dramane en relation avec les dimensions symboliques réalisées de mises en scène des funérailles dozo, où ses performances ont servi à calmer les esprits des morts afin qu’ils puissent laisser en paix les vivants. Enfin, il examine les aspects musicaux des chansons de Dramane en relation avec l’islam, dans le but d’élargir l’étude de l’islam en Afrique de l’Ouest et de l’islam en général, pour y inclure l’esthétique sonique et cinétique des performances dozo. As canções de caça típicas de Odienné, uma região no noroeste da Costa do Marfim de maioria muçulmana, cumprem mais funções do que o ouvido alcança. Elas articulam e distinguem os objetivos muçulmanos e as práticas de caça aparentemente não muçulmanas. As canções de Dramane Coulibaly, o meu anfitrião, são disso exemplificativas. O presente artigo analisa a relação de causa e efeito que as letras das canções de Dramane estabelecem entre as suas performances e a caça, uma preocupação central para os dozos. Em seguida, analisa-se a estrutura e o conteúdo das canções de Dramane e a sua relação com as dimensões materiais e de concretização dos funerais dozo, onde as suas performances serviam para acalmar os espíritos dos mortos, de modo que estes deixassem os vivos em paz. Por fim, o artigo debruça-se sobre os aspetos musicais que, nas canções de Dramane, se relacionam com o Islão, tendo como objetivo um aprofundamento do estudo do Islão na África ocidental – e do Islão em geral – que inclua a estética sonora e cinética das performances dozo.

This article is about self-defense movements in Burkina Faso, with an emphasis on the interplay of political pragmatics and cultural representation in public debate. It examines how two different self-defense movements—the dozos and the koglweogos—articulate tradition and politics with respect to locally organized self-defense in present-day Burkina Faso. In addition to a description of these movements, this comparative study of self-defense movements adds the important dimension of political rivalry and antagonism between the movements under study. First, it demonstrates how the state has tried to contain self-defense movements. Second, the emergence of koglweogos is analyzed with respect to public debate, as well as the state’s attempts to contain the movement bureaucratically. Third, it describes how dozos and koglweogos seek to assert public authority in “the new Burkina Faso” that has taken shape since the fall of Blaise Compaoré in October, 2014. More specifically, this article is devoted to the conflictual relationship between the dozos and the koglweogos that was publicly enacted in late 2016 and early 2017. Self-defense movements must not only be locally and traditionally legitimate, but they also need to be responsible actors in the national political space. Hence, “performing tradition, while doing politics” simultaneously represents the political containment and the cultural legitimacy of the self-defense movements. Cet article porte sur les mouvements d’autodéfense au Burkina Faso, en mettant l’accent sur l’interaction de la pragmatique politique et de la représentation culturelle dans le débat public. Il examine comment deux mouvements d’autodéfense différents — les dozos et les koglweogos — articulent la tradition et la politique en ce qui concerne l’autodéfense organisée localement au Burkina actuel. Outre une description de ces mouvements, cette étude comparative des mouvements d’autodéfense ajoute la dimension importante de la rivalité politique et de l’antagonisme entre les mouvements. Tout d’abord, il montre comment l’État a tenté de contenir ces mouvements d’autodéfense. En second lieu, l’émergence de koglweogos est analysée en ce qui concerne le débat public, ainsi que les tentatives de l’État pour contenir le mouvement sur le plan bureaucratique. En troisième lieu, il décrit comment les dozos et koglweogos cherchent à affirmer une autorité publique dans le cadre de « la nouvelle Burkina Faso » qui a pris forme depuis la chute de Blaise Compaoré en octobre 2014. Plus précisément, cet article est consacré à la relation conflictuelle entre les dozos et les koglweogos qui a été publiquement promulguée en fin 2016 et au début 2017. Les mouvements de l’autodéfense doivent non seulement être localement et traditionnellement légitimes, mais ils doivent aussi être des acteurs responsables dans l’espace politique national. Par conséquent, « pratiquer la tradition, tout en faisant la politique » représente à la fois l’endiguement politique et la légitimité culturelle des mouvements d’autodéfense.

The illegal trade in leopard and lion parts is a major threat to felid conservation across Africa, especially in under-researched areas like francophone West Africa. Between April and June 2024, we conducted surveys in 16 cities and 46 markets in Côte d’Ivoire, interviewing 39 sellers and 14 users of felid products. We found leopard and lion parts in 42.7% and 25% of stalls, respectively. The illegal trade is driven by the demand for felid products for traditional purposes, with both species holding strong symbolic values. Products were often trafficked through informal networks and sourced from Sahelian neighboring countries like Mali and Burkina Faso. We identified some key trade routes across West Africa and beyond. Without effective control measures, this illegal trade could accelerate the decline of West Africa’s remaining large felid populations. We recommend establishing a regional database of confiscated felid parts for genetic tracing and developing standardized questionnaires for use during traffickers’ arrests to gain further insights into their operations. Additionally, targeted behavioral change campaigns should be implemented to address corruption, increase enforcement agencies’ interest and capacity, and shift the practices of traditional practitioners toward sustainable alternatives. Training law enforcement officers, raising awareness among key communities, and increasing cross-border collaboration and controls are critical to providing a more comprehensive understanding of the trade dynamics in the region.

This article analyzes the relationship between Mande hunters (dozos) and the Ivorian state in the prefecture of Ouangolodougou in northern Côte d’Ivoire. Having adopted a prominent security role during the violent conflict of 2002–2011, dozos have made continuing efforts to maintain their position in the post-conflict state. To negotiate their position, they draw on a performative repertoire, such as the display of powerful attributes in the context of processions. Although they have had to concede some more strategic and profitable activities to the reestablished state, dozo chiefs effectively govern the rural northern borderlands of Côte d’Ivoire. Cet article analyse la relation entre les chasseurs Mandé appelés “dozos” et l’Etat Ivoirien dans la préfecture de Ouangolodougou au nord de la Côte d’Ivoire. Ayant adopté un rôle sécuritaire important pendant le violent conflit armé de 2002 à 2011, les dozos ont fourni des efforts à maintenir leur position dans l’Etat après conflit. Afin de négocier leur position, ils s’appuient sur un répertoire performatif tel que l’étalage des attributs puissants dans le contexte des processions. Bien qu’ils aient dû concéder des activités plus stratégiques et plus rentables à l’Etat rétabli, les chefs dozos gouvernent effectivement les régions frontalières rurales situées au nord de la Côte d’Ivoire. Este artigo analisa a relação entre os caçadores Mandé (dozos) e o Estado da Costa do Marfim na prefeitura de Ouangolodougou, no norte do país. Tendo desempenhado um papel securitário importante nos violentos conflitos entre 2002 e 2011, os dozos empenharam-se em manter, até hoje, a sua posição no Estado pós-conflito. Com o objetivo de negociarem a sua posição, os dozos recorrem a um repertório performativo, nomeadamente à exibição dos seus atributos no contexto das procissões. Apesar de terem sido forçados a conceder algumas atividades mais estratégicas e rentáveis ao Estado restabelecido, na prática são os chefes dozo quem governa efetivamente as fronteiras rurais do norte da Costa do Marfim.

The paper discusses the forms of public-private space division in a post-socialist Bulgarian city as everyday practices of inhabiting and appropriation of common spaces in one neighborhood of Plovdiv. The author’s anthropological research of urban spaces has included long-term observation of everyday practices in the city of socialism, the city in transition and the changed cities nowadays, following the line of the changing boundaries, distinction and expression of the public and the private, the common and the individual. Of particular interest in my research are the forms of transgression of the physical borders and social boundaries and of establishing new ones, according to the changing identities, social hierarchies, power relations, as well as forms of social solidarity, networking and investment in social capital. The paper presents cases of blurring borders and boundaries as urban discourses – of the socialist city, the city in transition and the city after 2007, when Bulgaria joined the EU. These cases are studied on the base of everyday practices of urban gardening in common spaces – around blocks of flats, on the windowed balconies, and in small gardens (vegetable plots) in the town outskirts.

Admiral [Jorge Anaya] and General [Leopoldo Galtieri] were accused of negligence and incompetence in leading an unprepared nation into war and of inept management of the war effort, according to Argentine press reports.

Argentine correspondents reported the arrival of the draftees at Puerto Madryn, 650 miles south of Buenos Aires, and the junta referred to the soldiers only as \"contingents\" to avoid the humiliating term POWs for men who spent 10 weeks in tents and trenches battling the South Atlantic winter. The junta barred foreign correspondents from Puerto Madryn and declined to name the vessels bringing the prisoners from the Falklands, which Argentina seized from Britain April 2 and Britain took back Monday. The British said the ships were the liner Canberra, carrying about 4500 men, and the ferry Norland, with 1200. Britain has said it will hold on to 1000 officers until it receives a formal assurance from Argentina that hostilities in the zone are ended. The Guardian newspaper reported that Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's War Cabinet decided to maintain the sea and air blockade of the Falklands until Argentina declares the hostilities are over.

The source, who is attached to the council, confirmed that Gen. Leopoldo Galtieri, the army commander who served as president, was sentenced to 12 years in prison; Adm. Jorge Anaya, the navy commander, to 14 years; and Gen. Basilio Lami Dozo, chief of the air force, to eight years.

A communique said the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, a panel of nine retired generals that is the nation's highest military tribunal, prescribed these sentences: Gen. Leopoldo Galtieri, the army commander who served as president, 12 years in prison; Adm. Jorge Anaya, the navy commander, 14 years; and Gen. Basilio Lami Dozo, chief of the air force, eight years. Galtieri was ousted two days after the surrender, Anaya and Lami Dozo were prematurely retired soon afterward and the new junta speeded the return to civilian rule. [Raul Alfonsin] won the presidential election and was inaugurated Dec. 10, 1983.

The source said the council, Argentina's highest military tribunal, sentenced Gen. Leopoldo Galtieri, a former president and army commander, to 12 years; former navy commander Adm. Jorge Anaya to 14 years in prison; and former air force chief Gen. Basilio Lami Dozo received eight. Galtieri was ousted two days after Argentina surrendered June 14, 1982, while Anaya and Lami Dozo were prematurely retired shortly afterwards. Anaya was initially a staunch advocate of Argentina's invasion of the Falklands. But after the British sank his most heavily armed warship, the General Belgrano, he confined his fleet close to Argentina's shore for the duration of the conflict.