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Phonetics of White Hmong vowel and tonal contrasts
by
Esposito, Christina M.
, Garellek, Marc
in
Coarticulation
/ Coda (Phonology)
/ Contours
/ Diaspora
/ Fundamental frequency
/ Glottalization
/ Hmong people
/ Hmongic languages
/ Intonation
/ Language
/ Languages
/ Nasalization
/ Phonation
/ Phonetics
/ Phonology
/ Pitch
/ Speech
/ Tone
/ Voice quality
/ Vowels
2023
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Phonetics of White Hmong vowel and tonal contrasts
by
Esposito, Christina M.
, Garellek, Marc
in
Coarticulation
/ Coda (Phonology)
/ Contours
/ Diaspora
/ Fundamental frequency
/ Glottalization
/ Hmong people
/ Hmongic languages
/ Intonation
/ Language
/ Languages
/ Nasalization
/ Phonation
/ Phonetics
/ Phonology
/ Pitch
/ Speech
/ Tone
/ Voice quality
/ Vowels
2023
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Do you wish to request the book?
Phonetics of White Hmong vowel and tonal contrasts
by
Esposito, Christina M.
, Garellek, Marc
in
Coarticulation
/ Coda (Phonology)
/ Contours
/ Diaspora
/ Fundamental frequency
/ Glottalization
/ Hmong people
/ Hmongic languages
/ Intonation
/ Language
/ Languages
/ Nasalization
/ Phonation
/ Phonetics
/ Phonology
/ Pitch
/ Speech
/ Tone
/ Voice quality
/ Vowels
2023
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Journal Article
Phonetics of White Hmong vowel and tonal contrasts
2023
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Overview
Hmong languages, particularly White Hmong, are well studied for their complex tone systems that incorporate pitch, phonation, and duration differences. Still, prior work has made use mostly of tones elicited in their citation forms in carrier phrases. In this paper, we provide a detailed description of both the vowel and tone systems of White Hmong from recordings of read speech. We confirm several features of the language, including the presence of nasal vowels (rather than derived nasalized vowels through coarticulation with a coda [ŋ]), the description of certain tone contours, and the systematic presence of breathy and creaky voice on two of the tones. We also find little evidence of additional intonational f0 targets. However, we show that some tones vary greatly by their position in utterance, and propose novel descriptions for several of them. Finally, we show that
$\\textrm{H}1^{\\!*}$
–H2*, a widely used measure of voice quality and phonation in Hmong and across languages, does not adequately distinguish modal from non-modal phonation in this data set, and argue that noise measures like Cepstral Peak Prominence (CPP) are more robust to phonation differences in corpora with more variability.
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