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Should the United States Reject MAD? Damage Limitation and U.S. Nuclear Strategy toward China
by
Glaser, Charles L.
, Fetter, Steve
in
Answers
/ China
/ Cold War
/ Competition
/ Cost-benefit analysis
/ Crises
/ Deterrence
/ Feasibility
/ International relations-US
/ Limitations
/ MILITARY DIMENSIONS OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS
/ Military effectiveness
/ Military strategy
/ Missile defense
/ Nuclear war
/ Nuclear weapons
/ Reassurance
/ United States
2016
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Should the United States Reject MAD? Damage Limitation and U.S. Nuclear Strategy toward China
by
Glaser, Charles L.
, Fetter, Steve
in
Answers
/ China
/ Cold War
/ Competition
/ Cost-benefit analysis
/ Crises
/ Deterrence
/ Feasibility
/ International relations-US
/ Limitations
/ MILITARY DIMENSIONS OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS
/ Military effectiveness
/ Military strategy
/ Missile defense
/ Nuclear war
/ Nuclear weapons
/ Reassurance
/ United States
2016
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While trying to remove the title from your shelf something went wrong :( Kindly try again later!
Do you wish to request the book?
Should the United States Reject MAD? Damage Limitation and U.S. Nuclear Strategy toward China
by
Glaser, Charles L.
, Fetter, Steve
in
Answers
/ China
/ Cold War
/ Competition
/ Cost-benefit analysis
/ Crises
/ Deterrence
/ Feasibility
/ International relations-US
/ Limitations
/ MILITARY DIMENSIONS OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS
/ Military effectiveness
/ Military strategy
/ Missile defense
/ Nuclear war
/ Nuclear weapons
/ Reassurance
/ United States
2016
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Should the United States Reject MAD? Damage Limitation and U.S. Nuclear Strategy toward China
Journal Article
Should the United States Reject MAD? Damage Limitation and U.S. Nuclear Strategy toward China
2016
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Overview
As China invests in its nuclear forces and U.S.-China relations become increasingly strained, questions of U.S. nuclear doctrine require greater attention. The key strategic nuclear question facing the United States is whether to attempt to maintain and enhance its damage-limitation capability against China. The answer is less straightforward than it was during the Cold War, because China's nuclear force is orders of magnitude smaller than the Soviet force was. Part of the answer depends on the military-technical feasibility of the United States achieving a significant damage-limitation capability: What would be the outcome of military competition over the survivability of China's intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and command and control, and over the effectiveness of U.S. ballistic missile defenses? The answer also depends on the benefits that a damage-limitation capability would provide; these could include contributions to homeland deterrence, extended deterrence, and reassurance of U.S. regional allies. The final piece of the analysis concerns the potential costs of a damage-limitation capability, which could include increased escalatory pressures during crises and growing political tension between the United States and China. A thorough analysis demonstrates that the United States should forgo such a capability because the prospects for preserving a significant damage-limitation capability are poor; the deterrent benefits would be small; and the escalatory and political costs would be relatively large.
Publisher
The MIT Press,MIT Press,MIT Press Journals, The
Subject
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