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KUWAIT'S PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
by
Al-Salem, Faisal
, Daher, Ahmad J
in
Elections
/ EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS
/ International
/ International relations
/ Kuwait
/ National assembly
/ Parliament
/ PARLIAMENT (ALL NATIONS)
1984
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KUWAIT'S PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
by
Al-Salem, Faisal
, Daher, Ahmad J
in
Elections
/ EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS
/ International
/ International relations
/ Kuwait
/ National assembly
/ Parliament
/ PARLIAMENT (ALL NATIONS)
1984
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Journal Article
KUWAIT'S PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
1984
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Overview
As a political entity, Kuwait's history dates back to 1756, when Sabah was elected Sheikh of a small colony of traders and seamen comprising Kuwait. Security considerations prompted Kuwait to accept a British protectorate in the treaty signed in 1899. This treaty was abrogated on June 19, 1961. The architect of much of Kuwait's present prosperity, as well as its democracy, was Sheikh Abdulla Al Salem Al-Sabah (Amir 1950-1965) who thoughtfully laid the foundations of Kuwait as a modern welfare state. The oil wealth began pouring in during his leadership and he distributed its benefits to his people directly and indirectly. The present Amir, Sheikh Jaber Al Ahmad Al Sabah became the ruler on December 31, 1977.[2] The original second district was composed of Jibla, (Qibla) Murgab and Salhiya, and its residents were mainly Sunni Arabs. This district was the enclave of the old upper class Kuwaitis, the merchants, sea traders and landowners who became an aristocracy of sorts by virtue of being \"aseel\", that is \"original.\" The use of the term was purely geographical in that those families that came originally from Najd were \"aseel\" -- all others were not, and therefore not part of the privileged class. The \"aseel\" claim to have founded Kuwait, and settled there before the oil, unlike the new-comers attracted by wealth. In the last 4 elections, the representatives of this district were all Sunni Arabs of merchant background. The National Assembly was dissolved by Amiri Decree in 1976, and some articles of the constitution were suspended \"for a period of contemplation.\" Some of the reasons prompting the government's decision are obvious. Among the external constraints one might mention the pressure of inter-Arab rivalry. Conflicts between the \"rejectionists\" and \"moderates\" on the Arab-Israeli issue were aired prominently. The Lebanese civil war brought both immigrants and their tensions to Kuwait. Other reasons were related to regional border disputes and oil politics. Internally, however, the assembly was not serving its purpose; instead, it served as a venue of polarization in the society. The sense of national unity was diminished by other affiliations and conflicts: the Shia-Sunni differences, the Bedouin-urban rivalry, the conservative religious vs. the liberal/Western coalition. These differences were not necessarily articulated, but their presence was felt. The Bedouins, who held seats in greater proportion than their percentage of the population would justify, were concerned about the government's failure to respond to their demands. The Arab nationalists, on the other hand, felt that the government's primary role was to nationalize the oil, face Iranian military threats in the Gulf, and aid the Palestinians in Lebanon. The Shia members felt dominated by the Sunnis, who, the Shia felt, were not Islamic enough. Finally, the old established merchant families, the traditional power base, had special economic interests they wanted protected. The interplay of external and internal conflicts led the government to suspend a largely ineffectual forum.
Publisher
Middle East Research Group,Middle East Research Group, Incorporated
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