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"FREDERICK DOUGLASS OPIE"
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Upsetting the apple cart
Upsetting the Apple Cart surveys the history of black-Latino coalitions in New York City from 1959 to 1989. In those years, African American and Latino Progressives organized, mobilized, and transformed neighborhoods, workplaces, university campuses, and representative government in the nation's urban capital. Upsetting the Apple Cart makes new contributions to our understanding of protest movements and strikes in the 1960s and 1970s and reveals the little-known role of left-of-center organizations in New York City politics as well as the influence of Jesse Jackson's 1984 and 1988 presidential campaigns on city elections. Frederick Douglass Opie provides a social history of black and Latino working-class collaboration in shared living and work spaces and exposes racist suspicion and divisive jockeying among elites in political clubs and anti-poverty programs. He ultimately offers a different interpretation of the story of the labor, student, civil rights, and Black Power movements than has been traditionally told. His work highlights both the largely unknown agents of historic change in the city and the noted politicians, political strategists, and union leaders whose careers were built on this history. Also, as Napoleon said, \"An army marches on its stomach,\" and Opie's history equally delves into the role that food plays in social movements, with representative recipes from the American South and the Caribbean included throughout.
eBook
Eating, Dancing, and Courting in New York Black and Latino Relations, 1930–1970
Using records from the WPA's \"America Eats\" project, manuscript collections, periodicals, oral histories, and autobiographies, the paper interprets Black and Latino relations in Harlem, New York and further north in the Suburbs of Westchester County. The paper focuses on southern African American and Hispanic Caribbean migrants in New York and the race and gender dynamics that develop between them.
Journal Article
Developing Their Minds without Losing Their Soul: Black and Latino Student Coalition-Building in New York, 1965-1969
[...]scholars theorize that the Black Power movement and its leaders influenced the student movements, and that the movements thus spread from historically black colleges and universities to predominately white campuses. In the late 1960s and early 1970s there were several programs for recruiting minority students, including CUNY's Search for Education, Elevation, and Knowledge (SEEK) and the College Discovery initiatives programs; the State University of New York's (SUNY) Educational Opportunity Program (EOP) program; and the Higher Education Opportunity Program (HEOP) of the state's private universities. [...]thanks to both public and private college and university programs, the number of black and Latino students on New York campuses increased dramatically. [...]student and parent participation and support in the school district had increased drastically.53 UNICA, moreover, wanted a representative from its delegation, \"with an equal vote,\" to be part of the body making decisions about curriculum changes.54 UNICA's demands point to the likely reality that elements within the Puerto Rican student community found Kubanbanya insensitive and/or ignorant about the challenges facing recently arrived black and Spanish-speaking students from the Caribbean in New York City public schools. [...]the students demanded the hiring of a black administrator in the Registrar's Office, to assist in increasing the number of \"minority students\" on Lehman's campus.86 Shortly after the basketball game protest, the members of Kubanbanya turned up the heat, sending a letter entitled \"Grievances from Kubanbanya\" to the college president, Dr. Leonard Lief, and two of the college deans.87 The letter reiterated the students' demand that the Black Studies and Puerto Rican Studies courses in the Education Department be made mandatory, and it called for the creation of a separate Black Studies Department.
Journal Article
Alcohol and Lowdown Culture in Caribbean Guatemala and Honduras, 1898–1922
In 1922, Eugene Cunningham and his companion, both white travelers from the United States, entered a combination bar and grocery store in Zacapa on the Caribbean coast of Guatemala. The store was operated by a white American expatriate. An African American customer, also an expatriate, invited the travelers to have a drink with him. When they ignored this request, the man ordered the two white men to join him, after which a violent altercation ensued. In the course of his travels, Cunningham also heard of a white bar operator who warned a racist Irish American expatriate that if he continued
Book Chapter
Foreign Workers, Debt peonage, and Frontier Culture in Lowland Guatemala, 1884-1900
This article addresses a call for historical work on African Hispanic Diasporas & cultural frontiers. It uses unpublished documents from U. S. & Guatemalan government archives, along with Guatemalan periodicals, to explore the role of foreign labor in the modernization of Guatemala in the late nineteenth century. More specifically it looks at how caudillo politics & neo-colonialism shaped the challenges foreign workers faced in the lowland departments of Izabal & Zacapa on Guatemala's Atlantic coast. Building on various bodies of scholarship, the article argues that conditions of peonage occurred on the Atlantic coast of Guatemala when poorly paid public officials collaborated with foreign contractors to restrict the freedom of foreign contract laborers. The central thesis is that due to these conditions, violence was a regular part of the frontier culture. Violence on Guatemala's Atlantic coast erupted most often when Black migrant workers openly challenged the legitimacy of the labor contracts, ambiguous vagrancy statutes, & unwritten frontier laws that shaped relations across lines of color & class in the late nineteenth century. References. Adapted from the source document.
Journal Article
YOUNG TURKS
The 1970s and early 1980s represented a transitional time in which left-of-center Latino organizations such as El Comité, Young Lords, Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP), and later the New York Committee in Support of Vieques (NYCSV), and the National Congress for Puerto Rican Rights (NCPRR) proliferated throughout different Hispanic communities in New York City. These organizations, as well as organized labor, served as important training grounds where future Latino Progressives learned political strategy and how to run a grassroots campaigns. In addition, African American Progressives, who later became noted local operatives, gained similar knowledge as members of unions and civil
Book Chapter
JOURNEYS
The desire for a better life with more opportunities brought Latinos from Cuba and Puerto Rico to the United States in droves in the early part of the twentieth century, just as generations of immigrants had done before and after them.
For these immigrants, home was a place riddled with problems brought by long histories of colonialism, racism, and classism. This migration began as early as the 1860s, when political persecution, poverty, and lack of opportunity under Spanish colonialism drove Cubans to the United States. The trend continued following Cuba’s independence from Spain in 1898, when Cuban oligarchs and foreign
Book Chapter
THE CHICAGO PLAN
Prior to 1984, black and Latino activists in New York City had made some advances in forming coalitions in the labor movement, student organizations, tenant organizations, and the movement for community control and empowerment. There were also notable black and Latino coalitions protesting U.S. foreign policy in Central America and South Africa. But coalition building around electoral politics continued to present significant challenges. Black politicians could be ethnocentric and paternalistic toward Latino leaders and voters; black politicos assumed they knew what Latinos wanted and did not invite them to join coalitions. Meanwhile, Latino political operatives tended to view black leaders
Book Chapter
UPSETTING THE APPLE CART
More than 2.5 million employees joined the nation’s health-care workforce in the 1950s and 1960s, and there were more jobs in hospitals than in the steel and railroad industries combined. Many of these hospital service jobs—janitors, cooks, maintenance staff, and nurse’s aides—were filled by the working poor, who earned some of the lowest wages in the country. It is no coincidence that between 1960 and 1970 the vast majority of these workers were black or Latino and constituted 80 percent of the hospital service and maintenance workforce in New York City. Their meager salaries even forced many hospital
Book Chapter