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Social equity is rooted in the idea that each person is equal and has inalienable rights. Because of America's unique blend of social, religious, economic, and political characteristics, we value this concept despite, or perhaps because of the simultaneous tensions of a capitalist economy, which requires inequality, set within a democratic constitutional system, which assumes equality. The impossibility of simultaneously achieving inequality and equality produces episodic \"corrections.\" This was the case in the tumultuous 1960s, a period when the usually tame notion of equity gave rise to heated debate and resulted in calk for social change. Now, tumult in the form of economic inequality, unemployment, and globalization is a harbinger of renewed interest. This article explains the roots of the concept, its contemporary understandings, and its relevance to emerging issues.

Master of Public Administration (MPA) and Master of Public Policy programs are training grounds for current and future public service leaders. However, many programs may underemphasize the importance of social equity, a pillar of public administration. Without this training, administrators may be poorly placed to understand the causes of inequities and to develop solutions. This article examines these issues in several ways. First, it argues for greater coverage of social equity in graduate programs. Second, it reviews the literature on calls for how to improve teaching social equity. Third, it presents a content analysis detailing the extent to which social equity is integrated into core courses currently offered across 120 MPA programs in the United States. Finally, a case study discusses the authors’ development and teaching of a stand-alone special topics social equity course in a large Network of Schools of Public Policy, Affairs, and Administration-accredited program.

The politics/administration dichotomy-a heuristic used to define the field's parameters-is a durable cornerstone of American public administration. Its starting point is in Woodrow Wilson's often-cited 1887 essay. Wilson used a definitional technique for analytic and persuasive purposes in which he distinguished administrative province and process from political province and process. Exegesis on that and the rest of Wilson's formal work reveals that he delimited the subject of administration to contrast it with the province and process of the legislative function. Like a fulcrum, he modified the leverage point of politics-and-administration as he viewed the field from different vantages, first as scholar and later as politician. Although ragged around the edges, the debate endures about the relationship of politics and administration. This assessment offers one more perspective.

Confederate monuments conjure competing public sector values. Like many cities in the USA, Baltimore, Maryland had monuments honoring the \"Lost Cause of the Confederacy\". Such monuments, usually constructed during periods of racial strife, typically feature prominent figures of the Confederacy, such as generals. Proponents of such monuments argue these monuments honor historical figures that shaped US history. Opponents assert monuments symbolize racist ideals and reinforce inequality, particularly for African Americans. Baltimore had four monuments until 2017. In the aftermath of two racially charged incidents following decades of social injustices, the Mayor of Baltimore, Catherine Pugh, ordered the monuments' removal in August 2017. This case examines the details and rationale surrounding Pugh's decision in the context of competing public sector values. The knowledge and skills gained from this case study can be applied to a range of public administration and policy issues involving social justice, administrative competencies, and leadership.

Social equity, a pillar of public administration alongside efficiency, effectiveness, and economy, is one of the least understood and studied concepts in the literature. There is a dearth of research despite the importance of understanding how public administration and public policy differentially affect groups, particularly minorities. To scholars like Gooden (2015a), research is needed on several questions: “What is the extent of inequity”, “Why does inequity persist”, and “How do public agencies achieve accountability for social equity”. However, numerous calls for social equity research have been largely unmet. A social equity issue that calls for more research concerns the extent to which police are fair in their interactions with minorities, especially African Americans. The literature addressing two of Gooden’s questions, namely “What is the extent of inequity” and “Why does inequity persist”, is growing. However, few studies have examined the third question, or how police agencies achieve accountability for social equity and, in turn, how agencies’ actions affect citizens’ perceptions of how socially equitable departments are. As such, this study asks two questions: 1) what political, managerial, and legal factors affect citizen perceptions of social equity in policing; and 2) how do these factors affect citizen perceptions of social equity in policing? To address these questions, a cross-case comparison of 11 purposively selected U.S. cities (“locales”) was conducted. Local newspapers, city council meeting minutes, legislative agenda, police agencies’ websites, and law enforcement statistics were examined to understand each locale’s history of community-police relations and agency practices related to social equity. Next, 55 semi-structured interviews were conducted with members of citizen groups, state- and v local-level political leaders, and police agency representatives to ascertain how agencies achieve accountability for social equity and how these strategies influence citizens’ perceptions of social equity. Data were iteratively coded, and cross-case analysis was performed using meta-matrices. Findings reveal that several factors affect citizens’ perceptions of social equity, namely the extent to which: a) citizen groups, political leaders, and police agencies cooperate to define social equity outcomes; b) these different groups agree on how best to pursue social equity; c) agencies involve community leaders to obtain buy-in when dealing with criminal and social issues popularly related to race; d) there have been recent shootings of unarmed minorities; e) departments foster more one-on-one engagement with citizens; f) departments employ community policing and social equity performance measurement to shape practice; g) agencies try to achieve racial parity; and h) agencies require trainings on community engagement. As citizens feel that agencies more actively involve community groups and employ the strategies above, perceptions of social equity are more positive. A theory of accountability for social equity emerged. This theory is captured in a systems model, which highlights the environmental, input, black box, output, and feedback factors that appear linked to citizen perceptions of social equity. Three broad conclusions emerge: 1) discourses lead to policing practices and perceptions; 2) “fit” (i.e., openness to and feasibility of social equity programs), chiefs’ reinforcement, and officer buy-in affect how departments try to achieve social equity; and 3) there are at least three approaches to accountability for social equity. After the discussion of this theory, limitations and future studies are discussed.

In the following chapter, we employ a public health approach – specifically, a focus on the diagnosis and treatment of problems affecting public safety, to address three questions related to youth violence leading to homicide. First, what are the basics and scope of youth violence, specifically homicide? We reach three primary conclusions: (i) the problem of youth violence leading to homicide is especially pronounced for both black male and female youth in that black male youth are much more likely than white youth to be homicide victims; (ii) homicide victimization amongst blacks has dropped but is still higher than victimization for other groups; and (iii) homicides are usually intraracial (i.e., the victim and offender are members of the same race). Second, what is the diagnosis of the problem of juvenile violence leading to homicide? Out conclusions showcase that several pathways lead juveniles to commit homicides: (i) macro‐level factors, such as urban disadvantage, community and family structure, and culture; and (ii) micro‐level factors, such as biological, psychological, and psychiatric factors; and (iii) combinations of macro‐ and micro‐level factors. As part of this discussion, we review several theories that help explain this phenomenon. Third, we ask a multipart question related to what treatments are available, what the treatments should target, at which level treatments should be targeted, who should be involved, and what the efficacy of these treatments is. Findings reveal that: (i) several approaches are available at the level of communities, families, and individuals; (ii) numerous, collaborative actors are involved; and (iii) there are several programs that show promise in preventing the conditions that lead to juvenile violence leading to homicide. We end with a discussion of future research directions of this topic, namely: (i) clarifying and better testing causal linkages between risk factors; (ii) combating tendencies toward reductionism, determinism, and imputation; (iii) fostering multidisciplinary research; and (iv) improving understanding of the efficacy of interventions.

The thought of putting a dome over Heinz field has been a debated issue, but I believe that allowing Pittsburgh to hold playoff and Super Bowl games will not only increase the income of the city with all of the visiting fans but also boost city pride. Converting Lower Forbes Avenue into a halfpipe will help keep skaters in that area instead of skating in other areas that are restricted to skating.