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This book aims to help policy makers take advantage of the opportunities presented by increased cross-border trade in information technology (IT) services and IT-enabled services (ITES). It begins by defining the two industries and estimating the potential global market opportunities for trade in each. Then it discusses economic and other benefits for countries that succeed in these areas, along with factors crucial to the competitiveness of a country or location, including skills, cost advantages, infrastructure, and a hospitable business environment, and examines the potential competitiveness of small countries and of least developed countries specifically. The volume also discusses policy options for enabling growth in the IT services and ITES industries. Appendix A introduces the Location Readiness Index (LRI), a modeling tool to help countries assess their IT and ITES industries. Finally, appendix B presents an analysis of the IT and ITES industries in Indonesia and Kenya as an illustrative application of the LRI.

Why does the ability of political leaders to control the bureaucracy vary? With strong meritocratic recruitment and tenure protections, Brazil appears an ideal case for successful bureaucratic resistance against political control. However, our analysis reveals how Bolsonaro overcame initial resistance by recalibrating strategies, ultimately dominating many key sectors of the bureaucracy. Drawing on over 100 interviews with public officials, we find that strategies of political control and bureaucratic resistance unfold in a dynamic, yet often predictable, pattern based on leaders' previous experiences and their ability to learn, adjust, and tighten their grip on the instruments of the state. The Bolsonaro administration transformed the regulatory framework and targeted individual state employees, reducing arenas of contestation and inducing public sector workers to remain silent, implementing the president’s policy preferences. We examine these control strategies in environmental agencies, their replication, and potential long-term consequences.

Unpacking the ‘crisis of democracy’ and what is means and does to policy processes is a new and ever-growing agenda. This paper uses the case of Brazil to examine bureaucratic responses, and attempted resistance, to democratic backsliding and policy dismantling in times of autocratisation, notably under Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022). It does so by focusing on a less explored transnational lenses. It argues that the growing international embeddedness of Brazilian policies, including through policy transfer and technical cooperation initiatives mostly with other developing countries, has provided domestic sectoral bureaucracies and policy communities with additional strategic discursive and argumentative resources to mobilise, respond and try to resist policy dismantling at home.

The Hungarian judiciary has reacted to the political change of recent years in a twofold way. Some judges have resisted political pressure and decided cases according to the law and their conscience, while others, showing the signs of judicial populism, have deferred to the interests of the government. The paper explains the relationship between this twofold behavior and the bureaucratic tradition of the Hungarian justice system. The conclusion is that the bureaucratic model of organization has certain features that can make judges more resistant to political pressure, while other elements of the model can lead to judicial deference. Nonetheless, these latter elements are not necessary components of the ‘Weberian’ justice system.

An inquiry into the feasibility of practical knowledge evolution in the academy, was conducted in collaboration by a Gynecologist-Obstetrician and two experienced psychotherapists. For thirteen years, the latter were Ed.D candidates at Derby University, UK, and due to impediments imposed by the institution, they were compelled to undertake many bureaucratic procedures. Working in collaboration, the team developed strategy, composed texts, and constructed a comprehensive chronological timeline of events, documented in correspondence between the doctoral candidates, University staff and supervisory authorities. The physician enrolled on the candidates’ psychotherapy training program, and being interested in the practical, theoretical and methodological considerations of their research, reviewed the candidates’ academic texts. Through dialog, the team produced practical knowledge in the interdisciplinary field of Psycho-Gynecology, and workshops on physician-patient communication, presented at three formal proceedings. The research demonstrated the practical importance of interdisciplinary research, and work in this ‘trialogic’ framework, facilitated elucidation of methodological understandings related to the evolution of practical knowledge. However, introducing innovative practical knowledge into the British academy remains a challenge.

U tekstu se ispituju mogućnosti artikulacije političkog otpora u Hrvatskoj koji‎autor naziva “protubriselskom revolucijom”. Prvi dio teksta razjašnjava odnos‎kulturne i protubirokratske revolucije u kontekstu odnosa političkih elita s‎cjelinom političkog tijela. Drugi dio prikazuje i objašnjava uporabu sintagme‎“protubirokratska revolucija” u analizama politologinje Mirjane Kasapović‎koje daju povijesno poučne uvide o odnosu institucionalnog i izvaninstitucionalnog‎političkog djelovanja potrebne za analizu pojave protubriselske revolucije‎u Hrvatskoj. Treći dio teksta donosi kratak prikaz i tipologizaciju ‎šest paradigmatskih epizoda vezanih uz prosvjednu, referendumsku i protureferendumsku ‎politiku koje se mogu podvesti pod pojmovno polje studijâ‎revolucijâ i koje predstavljaju prethodnicu protubriselske revolucije kao političkog‎događaja u području smisla za moguće. Zaključuje se kako je protubriselska ‎revolucija oblik protubirokratske revolucije u nastajanju.‎ The text examines the possibilities of articulating the political resistance in Croatia, ‎which the author calls the “anti-Brussels revolution”. The first part of the ‎text clarifies the relationship between cultural and anti-bureaucratic revolution ‎in the context of the relationship between political elites and the body politic.‎ The second part presents and explains the use of the phrase anti-bureaucratic ‎revolution in the analyses of Mirjana Kasapović, a political scientist, which ‎provide historically instructive insights into the relationship between institutional‎ and extra-institutional political activity necessary for the analysis of the ‎emergence of the anti-Brussels revolution in Croatia. The third part of the text‎ provides a brief presentation and typologization of six paradigmatic episodes ‎related to protest, referendum and counter-referendum politics. These episodes ‎can be subsumed under the conceptual field of revolution studies and represent ‎a precursor to the anti-Brussels revolution as a political event in the realm of the ‎sense of the possible. It is concluded that the anti-Brussels revolution is a form ‎of emerging anti-bureaucratic revolution.‎

Purpose - This paper aims to contribute to critical management studies (CMS) by developing an empirically grounded understanding of how post-bureaucratic control operates implicitly, by seeping into the very identities of individual employees.Design methodology approach - One longitudinal case study of multidisciplinary teamwork in a large insurance company was conducted during a five-year period, beginning in the late 1990s.Findings - Evidence from the case study shows how human resource management (HRM) techniques established among employees a desire to be recognised as a trustworthy member, on the one hand, and a constant fear of being unseen, on the other. This drove employees to continuously take initiatives that placed them in a self-regulating limelight.Research limitations implications - The study uses a single case study, which limits the scope of the findingsOriginality value - The paper provides interesting clues as to how post-bureaucratic control is driven not only by the risk of being \"caught misbehavin'\", as CMS primarily has it, but also by the risk of being unseen and by the desire to be recognised.

This article discusses some problems with participatory approaches in development thinking. It is argued that external interventions are always embedded within wider fields of power (force fields) and that discourses of \"participation\" and \"grassroots initiatives\" cannot change these established power relations. A study is presented of a Mexican government program that used a \"bottom-up participatory approach\" in order to stimulate ejidos to formulate their own internal ejido rules. It is shown that this program—in which \"local organizing capacities\" were said to be central elements—did not change the existing force field and only created more room for officials and intermediaries in their negotiations with peasants. /// Cet article traite des problèmes rencontrés par l'approche participative dans la planification du développement. L'auteure soutient que les interventions exogènes sont toujours encastrées dans des champs de pouvoir plus englobants (des champs de force) et que les discours de \"participation\" et d'\"initiatives populaires\" ne peuvent changer les relations de pouvoir en place. On présente l'étude d'un programme du gouvernement mexicain qui a utilisé \"l'approche participative de bas en haut\" dans le but de stimuler les ejidos à formuler leurs propres règles. On démontre que ce programme — dans lequel les \"capacités organisationnelles locales\" étaient censées être les éléments principaux — n'ont pas changé le champ de force existant et n'ont fait que créer plus d'espace pour les agents officiels et intermédiaires dans leurs négociations avec les paysans.

In Mexico, the official discourse associates social welfare with development opportunities that so- called marginal families are expected to take advantage of. In the Mazahua region, these families commonly are headed by women. To fulfill the official discourse and related bureaucratic demands, the women must fit into organizations and take on new social responsibilities. In this paper, I will examine an initiative from the public sector (PROGRESA) and show that such programs change the household dynamics of families, generating feelings of resentment due to the inclusion/exclusion dynamics involved. Another of the paper's objectives is to assess how the program's execution creates new mechanisms of social control. /// Au Mexique, le discours officiel associe le bienêtre social à des opportunités de développement dont les familles dites marginales se doivent de profiter. Dans la région mazahua, ces familles sont souvent dirigées par des femmes. Pour satisfaire à ce discours et aux exigences bureaucratiques qui l'accompagnent, ces dernières sont désormais tenues de s'intégrer à des organisations et d'endosser de nouvelles responsabilités sociales. Dans cette communication, nous examinerons une initiative du secteur public (PROGRESA) et montrerons que ce n'est pas le niveau de vie qui change avec un tel programme mais bien la dynamique domestique des familles, en produisant des ressentiments chez les familles, dites aussi pauvres, exclues du programme. Finalement, j'essaie de mettre en question les nouveaux mécanismes de contrôle social a partir de la mise en œuvre du programme.

L'état du Yucatan est l'un des plus pauvres du Mexique. Aussi constitue-t-il un terrain privilégié pour les programmes gouvernementaux d'éradication de la pauvreté. Lorsque l'on examine ces programmes dans un contexte plus large, on constate que le Mexique reprend en gros les consignes internationales émises par les organisations multi-latérales L'une de ces consignes est la participation des populations. Dans cet article, l'auteure examine d'abord les expressions globales de cette consigne pour se tourner ensuite vers quelques unes de ses interprétations locales au Yucatan, plus particulièrement dans la région du henequen (sisal). Au moment où des maquiladoras (usines d'assemblage de capital international) s'installent dans cette région et changent peu à peu la face de la paysannerie qui trouve à s'y employer, il est intéressant de voir comment une consigne telle que la participation peut être contributoire au processus de modernisation et au renouvellement de l' \"ordre de développement\". /// The state of Yucatan is one of the poorest of Mexico. That is why it is a privileged setting for governmental programs designed for the eradication of poverty. The examination of these programs in a larger context shows that Mexico follows the international instructions given out by the multi-lateral organizations. One of these instructions concerns the participation of the populations. In this article, the author first examines the global expressions of this instruction to then turn toward some of its local interpretations in Yucatan, more especially in the henequen (sisal) region. At times when the maquiladoras (assembly factories of international capital) get settled in this region and change little by little the face of peasantry that gradually is transformed in industrial labour, it is interesting to see how an instruction such as the participation of the populations can contribute to the process of modernization and to the renewal of the \"order of development.\"