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We described the integration of the general reversibility of glycosyltransferase-catalyzed reactions, artificial glycosyl donors, and a high throughput colorimetric screen to enable the engineering of glycosyltransferases for combinatorial sugar nucleotide synthesis. The best engineered catalyst from this study, the OleD Loki variant, contained the mutations P67T/I112P/T113M/S132F/A242I compared with the OleD wild-type sequence. Evaluated against the parental sequence OleD TDP16 variant used for screening, the OleD Loki variant displayed maximum improvements in k cₐₜ/K ₘ of >400-fold and >15-fold for formation of NDP–glucoses and UDP–sugars, respectively. This OleD Loki variant also demonstrated efficient turnover with five variant NDP acceptors and six variant 2-chloro-4-nitrophenyl glycoside donors to produce 30 distinct NDP–sugars. This study highlights a convenient strategy to rapidly optimize glycosyltransferase catalysts for the synthesis of complex sugar nucleotides and the practical synthesis of a unique set of sugar nucleotides.

Glycosyltransferases (GTs), an essential class of ubiquitous enzymes, are generally perceived as unidirectional catalysts. In contrast, we report that four glycosyltransferases from two distinct natural product biosynthetic pathways--calicheamicin and vancomycin--readily catalyze reversible reactions, allowing sugars and aglycons to be exchanged with ease. As proof of the broader applicability of these new reactions, more than 70 differentially glycosylated calicheamicin and vancomycin variants are reported. This study suggests the reversibility of GT-catalyzed reactions may be general and useful for generating exotic nucleotide sugars, establishing in vitro GT activity in complex systems, and enhancing natural product diversity.

The intensification of livestock production is globally on the rise, driven by increased demand and urbanization. This presents a large potential threat to animal welfare, environmental sustainability, and public health, particularly in the developing world where the increase in intensification is most prominent. However, it remains unclear whether policymakers have tools to limit intensification even as their country or state increases in wealth. In this paper, we address the knowledge gap: is it possible for countries or states to develop economically while keeping livestock intensification low? We test whether there exist any jurisdictions that have maintained unexpectedly low levels of livestock intensification, after statistically accounting for wealth and other demographic and agricultural variables. Using India’s egg and chicken meat industry as a case study due to its immense size and its intermediate stage of economic development, we successfully identify a number of states that have developed economically while maintaining low levels of chicken intensification. Subjecting these Northeastern states to a deeper examination, we find that these states have deliberately pursued policies prioritizing organic agriculture and environmentally sustainable methods of production. While there are hurdles and limitations to implementing these organic policies, the examined jurisdictions offer promise for policymakers seeking to keep levels of intensification low and maintain good animal welfare as countries develop.

This study indicates that the agricultural production of Japan from 1873 to 1922 was higher than official records indicate, and that this higher rate of Japanese production was partially responsible for the swift economic growth of Japan. Originally published in 1966. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

La possibilité d'accroître, sur les marchés, l'offre de pétrole canadien provenant de sables bitumineux est de plus en plus contestée, les projets de nouveaux pipelines suscitant beaucoup de controverse. Dans cet article, je conçois un cadre d'analyse du risque politique dans ce domaine, et je l'applique à cinq projets de pipelines. Le risque politique lié aux projets d'infrastructures majeures est ainsi fonction : du nombre de droits de veto des institutions; du fait que les groupes d'opposition ont ou non un droit de veto; du fait qu'un projet peut ou non être réalisé grâce à l'utilisation d'infrastructures existantes; de l'importance des risques environnementaux; et de la répartition des risques et des avantages entre différents gouvernements. Mes résultats montrent qu'un risque politique considérable est lié à chacun des cinq projets étudiés, mais que le type et l'ampleur de ce risque varient selon les projets. Market access for Canada's oil sands has been increasingly contested as proposals for new pipelines have become so controversial. This article develops a framework for political risk analysis and applies it to five pipeline proposals. The political risk to major infrastructure projects is a function of the number of institutional veto points; whether opposition groups have access to veto points; whether the project can take advantage of existing infrastructure; the salience of concentrated environmental risks; and the jurisdictional separation of risks and benefits. Each of the projects faces formidable political risks, but the risks vary in type and magnitude by project.

In a globalized world, the financial sectors and the real sectors are interlinked. Although it is a common phenomenon to a developed economy in its national as well as provincial levels, it has hardly been tested for the low-income countries like India. It is further difficult to have such linkage effects at the provinces and district levels. This article aims to examine whether per capita commercial bank credit and per capita net district domestic product for the districts of West Bengal state in India have long-run associations for the period 1993–2014 in a panel data framework. Using the panel cointegration and Vector error correction mechanism (VECM) technique, the study reveals that both the financial and real sector indicators are cointegrated and the short-run errors are corrected significantly to establish that there is bilateral causality between credit and output in both long run and short run.

This article examines the influence of ideology in Canadian politics. The core theory is that political opinions are bound together into ideological clusters by underlying influences that affect simultaneously the opinions of individuals about more than one issue. The central hypothesis is that ideological disagreement between the left and the right is asymmetrical, that is, that leftists and rightists bundle in different ways their opinions about issues. The analysis draws on evidence from Benoit and Laver's survey of experts (2006) about the policy positions of political parties, the Comparative Manifesto Research Project (Budge et al., 2001; Klingemann et al., 2006), and Cross and Young's survey of Canadian political party members (2002). The results of the analysis indicate, first, that Canada's left/right ideological divide is wide by cross-national standards, and, second, that leftists and rightists organize their opinions about the world in different ways. Résumé. Cet article examine l'influence des idéologies dans l'environnement politique canadien. La théorie centrale stipule que les opinions politiques sur diverses questions sont structurées en groupes idéologiques consolidés par des influences sous-jacentes qui affectent simultanément les opinions des individus. L'hypothèse principale découlant de cette théorie est que la structure du désaccord idéologique entre la gauche et la droite est asymétrique; plus précisément, que les individus situés à la gauche et à la droite du spectre politique canadien organisent de manière différente leurs opinions politiques. L'analyse s'appuie tout d'abord sur les données d'un sondage auprès d'experts politiques réalisé par Benoit et Laver (2006) et portant sur les positions politiques des partis. Elle utilise également les données du Comparative Manifesto Research Project (Budge et al. 2001; Klingemann et al., 2006) et celles d'un sondage d'opinion de Cross et Young (2002) effectué auprès des membres de partis politiques canadiens. Les résultats de cette étude démontrent, en premier lieu, qu'il existe un clivage important entre la droite et la gauche au Canada même lorsqu'il est observé dans une perspective comparative, et en second lieu, que les individus se situant à la gauche et à la droite du spectre politique ont tendance à organiser de manière différente leurs opinions sur le monde.

Through a detailed reconstruction of 1933 GDP for the two provinces in China's most advanced region, the Lower Yangzi, I show that their per capita income was 55 percent higher than China's average, and they had experienced a growth and structural change between 1914–1918 and 1931–1936 comparable to contemporaneous Japan and her East Asian colonies. This article highlights the unique political institution of early-twentieth-century Shanghai as a city state, with its rule of law and secure property rights laying the foundation for economic growth in the Lower Yangzi with long-term impact throughout East Asia.

PurposeTo estimate the discounted money value of human lives lost (DMVHL) due to COVID-19 in Spain.Design/methodology/approachThe study employs the human capital approach to estimate the DMVHL (assuming Spain's life expectancy of 83 years and a 3% discount rate) of the 20,453 human lives lost in Spain from COVID-19 as of 19 April 2020. Sensitivity analysis was conducted alternately assuming (a) 5% and 10% discount rate; and (b) global life expectancy of 72 years, and the world's highest life expectancy of 87.1 years.FindingsThe 20,453 human lives lost due to COVID-19 had a total DMVHL of Int$ 9,629,234,112, and an average of Int$ 470,798 per human life lost. Alternate re-estimation of the economic model with a 5% and 10% discount rates led to 19.8% and 47.4% reductions in the DMVHL, respectively. Re-calculation of the economic model using the global life expectancy of 72 years, while holding the discount rate constant at 3%, diminished the DMVHL by 41%. While the re-run of the same model using the world's highest life expectancy of 87.1 years instead, it increased the DMVHL by 18%.Research limitations/implicationsThe study omits the value of health systems inputs used in preventing, diagnosing and treating COVID-19 cases; and the negative impact of COVID-19 on the agriculture, education, finance, manufacturing, travel, tourism, and trade sectors.Social implicationsThere is a need to use this kind of evidence to advocate for increased investments into the strengthening of the national health system, IHR capacities, and coverage of safe water and sanitation facilities.Originality/valueIn Spain, no other study had attempted to estimate the net present value of human lives lost from COVID-19.

This study analyses the dynamics of youth political engagement in Egypt in the light of 'dual motivation' theory, which defines political engagement in terms of both citizens' interest in changing the outcome of elections and the prevalence of social capital conducive for political engagement. The first part of the article focuses on the dynamics of political mobilisation in general, prior to the uprising of 25 January 2011. The second part examines the political attitudes and levels of political participation of young people prior to the uprising. The study found that the youth believed in democratic values but did not participate politically. This is explained not by a lack of social capital but rather by an understanding of the dynamics of authoritarian rule and corruption, leading to a general abstention from civic and political engagement. Nevertheless, with the changing international circumstances, especially the Jasmine revolution in Tunisia, youth movements in Egypt have proved capable of framing the issue of regime change effectively, leading ultimately to contention on the streets and the toppling of Mubarak. Dual motivation theory, therefore, might not be applicable in authoritarian regimes but in democratising regimes both elements of the theory appear relevant.