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From transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan
From transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan
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From transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan
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From transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan
From transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan

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From transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan
From transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan
Journal Article

From transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan

2022
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Overview
This paper offers new evidence from Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs to address the question of directionality in valency-changing derivations in Sino-Tibetan. Examining Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs causative and anticausative verb stem pairs adds to the evidence that in Proto-Sino-Tibetan, a number of intransitive stems are derived from transitive stems, in some cases as the result of * N ‑ prefixation, and in other cases from voicing alternation independent of * N ‑ prefixation. In addition, the proto-sigmatic prefix (* s -) does not cause devoicing in Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs, but rather often undergoes voicing assimilation, and has more than just a causativization function. Furthermore, by looking at Gyalrong, Minyag, Tangut, Middle Chinese, and Old Chinese we emphasize that there is no synchronic evidence to support devoicing induced by * s ‑, nor is there historical evidence to support the claim that * s ‑ caused devoicing in Proto-Gyalrongic, or even at genetically deeper stages.